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SPEECH Mustafa Kemal Atatürk GENERAL SITUATION AND APPEARANCE ON THE DAY I CAME TO SAMSUN

I went to Samsun on the 19th day of May 1919. The general situation and appearance of the country is as follows: The group of the Ottoman Empire was defeated in the First World War, the Ottoman army was damaged on all sides, and a severe ceasefire agreement was signed. During the long years of the Great War, the nation was tired and poor. Those who dragged the nation and country into the First World War, fearing to save their own lives, fled the country. Vahdettin, who is sitting in the sultanate and caliphate office, has become degenerate and is researching despicable measures that he imagines can protect his person and also his throne. The government headed by Damat Ferit Pasha is weak, dishonest and cowardly. They simply submit to the will of the sultan and agree with him in any situation where they can protect themselves. The army's weapons and ammunition have been taken and are being taken away... The Allies do not find it necessary to abide by the terms of the ceasefire agreement. Allied navies and soldiers are in Istanbul with one excuse. Adana and the French; Urfa, Maraÿ, Ayÿntap (Gaziantep) were occupied by the British. There are Italian military units in Antalya and Konya, British soldiers in Merzifon and Samsun. Foreign officers and officers and special agents are operating all over the place. Finally, on May 15, 1919, four days before the date we started our speech, with the approval of the Allied Powers, the Greek army was taken to Izmir. Moreover, Christian minorities all over the country are trying to overthrow the state as soon as possible to realize their private aims and purposes, either openly or secretly. With the reliable information and documents obtained later, it has been well understood that the Mavri Mira Committee, which was established in the Greek Patriarchate of Istanbul, is busy with establishing and managing gangs in the provinces, holding demonstrations and propaganda. The Greek Red Cross and the Official Immigration Commission Mira Delegation, are tasked thewith permission facilitating organizations the work ofof the the Mavri Greek Mira schools, Mission. which On the are side managed, of the Mavri are completing their establishment everywhere, including the youth over the age of twenty. Armenian Patriarch Zazen Efendi is also working with the Mavri Mira Committee. The Armenian preparation is progressing just like the Greek preparation. The Pontus Society, which is organized in Trabzon, Samsun and all the Black Sea coasts and is affiliated to the center in Istanbul, works easily and successfully without encountering any obstacles. REMEDIES FOR SALVATION AGAINST THESE In the face of the horror and dread of the situation, some people in every region and everywhere began to think of means of salvation. Attempts made with this idea gave birth to some organizations. For example, there was an association called Thrace - Paÿaeli in and around Edirne. In the east, the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti was established in Erzurum and Elazÿÿ, with the Rele headquarters in Istanbul. Just as there was an association in Trabzon called the Conservation of Law, there was also the Trabzon and Neighborhood Decentralized Society in Istanbul. Branches were opened in the district of Of and in the sanjak of Rize with the representatives sent by the headquarters of this association. Some young patriots in Izmir, who had seen clear signs since the thirteenth of May, that Izmir would be occupied, held talks among themselves about this pathetic situation on the night of the 14/15th of the month; united in their decision to prevent the Greek invasion, which is no doubt a fait accompli, from ending with annexation, they put forward the principle of Rejection of Annexation. On the same night, a demonstration meeting was held by the people who could gather at the Jewish Maÿatlÿk in Izmir in order to spread this principle, but the next day, the Greek soldiers were seen on the dock, and this attempt did not yield as much results as expected.

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POLITICAL OBJECTIVES AND OBJECTIVES OF NATIONAL INSTITUTIONS

I think it would be appropriate to give brief information about the establishment aims and political objectives of these associations. I met some of the notables of the Trakya Pasaeli Society while I was still in Istanbul. They saw it as a very strong possibility that the Ottoman Empire would collapse. In the face of the danger of the disintegration of the Ottoman homeland, they were thinking of saving Thrace, by adding Western Thrace, if possible, and as an Islamic and Turkish community as a whole. But in order to realize this aim, the only solution that came to their mind at the time was to get the help of England, and if this was not possible, France. For this purpose, they sought opportunities to contact and meet with some foreign statesmen. It was understood that their aim was to establish a Thrace Republic. The purpose of the establishment of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti (article 2 of its statutes) is to resort to legitimate means that will ensure the free exercise of the religious and political rights of all people living in the Eastern provinces, to defend against the world, to demand that the criminals be punished quickly by conducting an impartial investigation about the reasons for the persecution and murders in the Eastern provinces, and those who committed them and those who caused them. Efforts to settle the conflict between the indigenous people and the minorities and to strengthen the good relations as in the past consisted of seeking solutions to the devastation and poverty caused by the war situation in the Eastern provinces by making attempts before the government as much as possible. In accordance with this directive given from the administrative center in Istanbul, the Erzurum branch protected the rights of Turks in the eastern provinces, but the people had nothing to do with the bad behavior seen during the Armenian migration, Armenian property was protected until the Russian invasion, on the other hand, Muslims were treated very cruelly; even against the given order, he decides to announce to the world of civilization with reliable documents the evils of some Armenians who were detained against their protectors, and to carry out studies that will nullify the greedy gaze of the Eastern provinces (published statement of the Erzurum branch)

The people who first established the Erzurum branch of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliliye Cemiyeti, after examining and researching the propaganda made in the Eastern provinces and their targets, the issues of Turkishness, Kurdishness - Armenianness from the point of view of science, technique and history, made their further studies on the following three points: (published report of the Erzurum branch): 1. Absolutely not to migrate, 2. To organize scientifically, economically and religiously immediately, 3. To unite in defense of every corner of the Eastern provinces that will be attacked, to support the Vilayât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti It is understood that the administrative center in Istanbul is too optimistic that it can achieve its purpose by resorting to civil and scientific means. Indeed, he does not hold back from working on this path. It publishes a French newspaper called Ie Pays to defend the rights of the Muslim elements in the eastern provinces. He gets the right to publish the Hadisât newspaper. On the other hand, he gives a memorandum to the representatives of the Entente States and the Prime Ministers of the Entente States in Istanbul: He is attempting to send a delegation to Europe. I think it will be easily understood from these explanations that the main reason and thought that led to the establishment of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti is the possibility of handing over the Eastern provinces to Armenia. The idea that the realization of this possibility depends on the fact that Armenians are shown in the majority in the population of Eastern provinces and that those who try to give them priority in terms of historical rights have succeeded in deceiving the world public opinion with scientific and historical documents, and that the slander of the Muslim people that they were barbarians who killed Armenians en masse is believed to be a fact. That is why the association is trying to defend historical and national rights, based on the same justification and following the same paths. There was also a fear that a Greek Pontus government would be established in the regions on the Black Sea coast. Some people had also established an association in Trabzon in order to protect their right to live and exist by not leaving the Muslim people under the yoke of the Greeks. The purpose and political goal of the Trabzon and Neighborhood Decentralized Association, which is headquartered in Istanbul, is clear from its name. In any case, he seeks to leave the center.

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ENEMY TO NATIONAL WEALTH IN THE COUNTRY AND IN ISTANBUL

Apart from these associations on the way to being established, some other associations and organizations have also emerged in the country. Among them was the Kurdish Teali Society, which was administered from Istanbul in the provinces of Diyarbakÿr, Bitlis, and Elazÿÿ. The aim of this association was to establish a Kurdish state under the protection of foreign states. There was an effort to establish the Teali-i Islam Society, which was governed from Istanbul in and around Konya. There were Entente and Freedom, Peace and Salvation Societies almost all over the country.

THE SOCIETY OF BRITISH DISTRIBUTORS

There were also some organizations under the name of parties or associations, which were established for various purposes, both secretly and openly. One of the organizations that could be considered important in Istanbul was the Society of British Enthusiasts. This name should not be understood as an association founded by those who are friendly to the British. In my opinion, the founders of this association are those who take care of themselves and their own interests, and those who seek to protect their interests by providing British protection through the government of Lloyd George (Loyt Corc). It is worth pondering whether these poor people ever considered whether the British State could be willing to protect and protect the Ottoman State as a whole. At the beginning of those who joined this association were Vahdettin, who was the Ottoman Sultan and the Khalifa-i Rûy-i Zemîn, Damat Ferit Pasha, the Minister of Internal Affairs Ali Kemal, Adil and Mehmet Ali Beys, and Sait Molla. There were also some adventure enthusiasts from the English nation, such as Father Frew (Fru) in the association. As it is understood from the transactions and activities performed, the chairman of the association was Father Frew: This association had two aspects and two different qualities. One was its clear direction and its nature, which was oriented towards the aim of securing British protection by duly attempts. The other was the hidden side. The main activity was in this secret direction. Treacherous attempts such as raising rebellion and revolution by organizing within the country, paralyzing the national consciousness, facilitating foreign intervention were managed by this secret branch of the association. It will be seen that Sait Molla played a greater role in the secret works of the association as well as in the open works of the association. What I have said about this association will be more easily understood with the explanations I will make as the order comes and the documents I will show when necessary.

AMERICAN MANDATORY REQUESTS Some prominent men and women in Istanbul were of the opinion that the real salvation was in the American mandate. Those who held this view resisted a lot in their thoughts. They worked hard to prove that the best way is to adopt their own views. I will make some clarifications on this when the time comes.

THE STATUS OF OUR ARMY In order to reveal the general situation, I would like to explain where and in what condition the army units are. Two main army inspectorates were established in Anatolia. As soon as the armistice agreement was announced, the combat soldiers of the units were demobilized, their arms and ammunition were taken from them, and they were turned into a number of cadres devoid of combat power. The situation of the units affiliated to the Second Army Inspectorate, headquartered in Konya, was as follows: One division (41st Division) in Konya and one division (23rd Division) in Afyonkarahisarÿ, 12th Corps, with its headquarters in Konya. existed. The 57th Division of the 17th Corps, which was held captive in ÿzmir, was also attached to this corps.

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The 20th Corps, with one division (24th Division) in Ankara and one division (11th Division) in Niÿde, was in Ankara with its headquarters. The 1st Division in Izmit was attached to the 25th Corps in Istanbul. There was also the 10th Caucasian Division in Istanbul. The 61st and 56th Divisions in the Balÿkesir and Bursa regions constituted the 14th Corps, which was affiliated to Istanbul, whose headquarters were in Bandÿrma. The commander of this corps was the late Yusuf ÿzzet Pasha until the opening of the Assembly. 3rd Army Inspectorate, whose inspector was me; I was in Samsun with my headquarters. There were two corps under my direct command. One of them is the 3rd Corps, headquartered in Sivas. Its commander is Colonel Refet Bey, whom I brought with me. The headquarters of one division (5th Caucasian Division) attached to this corps was in Amasya, and the headquarters of the other was in Samsun. The other was the 15th Corps, headquartered in Erzurum. Its commander was Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha. The headquarters of one of the divisions of this corps (9th Division) is in Erzurum, its commander Rüÿtü Bey; the headquarters of the other (3rd Division) was in Trabzon. Its commander was Lieutenant Colonel Halit Bey. Since Halit Bey was summoned to Istanbul, he withdrew from the command and was hidden in Bayburt, and the division is administered by proxy. Of the other two divisions of the corps, the 12th Division was on the border to the east of Hasankale, and the 11th Division was in Bayezit. The 13th Corps with 2 divisions in the Diyarbakir region was detached. It was attached to Istanbul. One division (2nd Division) was in Siirt and the other division (5th Division) was in Mardin. BROAD AUTHORITIES OF MY INSPECTOR DUTY I had a higher authority than directly giving orders and commands to these two corps, that I could also notify the military units close to the inspectorate area. In the same way, I would be able to notify the provinces in my region and neighboring provinces. According to this authority, I would be able to establish relations and correspondence with the 20th Corps in Ankara and its inspectorate, the corps in Diyarbakir and almost all the civilian administration chiefs of Anatolia. You may wonder how this broad authority was given to me by those who sent me to Anatolia to exile and drive me away from Istanbul. I must say right away that they did not give me this authority knowingly and understandingly. Whatever the reason, those who wanted me to get away from Istanbul found the reason to go to Samsun to see the insecurity in Samsun and its surroundings and take precautions. I have argued that the fulfillment of this duty depends on having a position and authority. They saw no harm in that. I interviewed people who were in the General Staff at that time and who had sensed my purpose to some extent. They found the post of inspector; I also wrote the instruction on the subject of authorization myself. Even ÿakir Pasha, who was the Minister of War, hesitated to sign it after reading this instruction; inexplicably pressed his seal.

VIEW OF THE GENERAL SITUATION IN A NARROW FRAME After these explanations, let's review the general situation in a narrower framework, quickly and easily: Enemy states started a material and moral attack against the Ottoman state and country. They decided to destroy it and share it. The person who is the sultan and the caliph thinks of nothing but the solution that can save his life and comfort. The government is in the same situation. Unconsciously, the nation, which has been left without a head, is waiting for what will happen in darkness and uncertainty. Those who have begun to grasp the horror and gravity of the disaster resort to measures that they consider a means of salvation according to the environment they are in and the effects they can take... The army has no name. The commanders and officers are tired with all the suffering and hardships of the First World War, and their hearts bleed when they see that the homeland is torn apart; On the edge of the dark abyss of disaster that is deepening before their eyes, their brains are busy looking for a cure, a solution to salvation... Here, I should point out and explain a very important point. The nation and the army are not aware of the treachery of the Sultan and the Caliph, and they sincerely submit and are loyal to that office and those who hold that office, because of their religion and tradition and ties that have been rooted for centuries. While the nation and the army are considering a solution for salvation, this habit that has been going on for centuries, on the other hand.

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therefore, he thinks before himself of the salvation and inviolability of the supreme caliphate and sultanate. He is not capable of grasping the meaning of salvation without a caliph and a sultan... Woe to those who put forward an opinion and opinion contrary to this belief! He immediately becomes irreligious, stateless, treacherous and unwanted... Another important point should be noted. It was accepted as the basic principle not to offend the great states such as England, France and Italy while seeking a solution for salvation. The delusion that even one of these states could not be dealt with was in almost all minds. There could be no greater irrationality and folly than to enter into situations where it could come into conflict with the Entente forces, who defeated and knocked them all down while there was a whole Germany and Austria-Hungary alongside the Ottoman Empire. It was not only the people who had this mentality; especially the so-called elite and intellectual people thought so. So, two things would be out of the question when looking for a solution to salvation. First, there will be no hostile attitude towards the Allies; Afterwards, it would be essential to remain devoted and loyal to the Sultan and the Caliph.

CONSIDERABLE REMEDIES FOR Liberation Now, Lords, if you'll excuse me, let me ask you a question: In the face of this situation and circumstances, what decision could come to mind for salvation? According to the issues I have explained and the observations I have made, three kinds of decisions have been made.

First, to ask for British protection, Second, to ask for the American mandate. These two kinds of decision-makers are those who think that the Ottoman Empire should be protected as a whole. They are the ones who prefer to keep the empire under the protection of a single state, rather than the division of the Ottoman lands among various states. The third decision resorted to regional liberation remedies. For example, some regions were resorting to measures of not leaving the Ottoman Empire against the view that they would be separated from the Ottoman Empire. Some regions were trying to save themselves by accepting it as a fait accompli that the Ottoman Empire would be destroyed and the Ottoman country would be divided. The reasons for these three kinds of decisions are included in the statements I made. IT IS MY DECISION Gentlemen, I did not see a hit in any of these decisions. Because all the evidence and logic on which these decisions were based were rotten and baseless. In fact, at that time, the foundations of the Ottoman Empire had collapsed and its life had come to an end. Ottoman lands were completely disintegrated. There remained an ancestral homeland where a handful of Turks lived. The last issue was just trying to get this to be partitioned. The Ottoman Empire, its independence, the sultan, the caliph, the government, all of these were empty words that had no meaning. What assistance was sought from whom for the immunity of what and whose immunity? So what could be the serious and real decision? Gentlemen, there was only one decision in the face of this situation. And that is to establish a new, unconditionally independent Turkish state based on national domination! Here is the decision that we thought before leaving Istanbul and that we started to implement as soon as we set foot on Anatolian lands in Samsun.

EITHER INDEPENDENCE OR DEATH

The strongest reasoning and logic on which this decision was based was as follows: The basic principle is that the Turkish nation should live as a dignified and honorable nation. This principle can only be realized by having full independence. No matter how rich and prosperous, a nation that lacks independence cannot be deemed worthy of a higher treatment than being a servant in the face of the civilized world of humanity. Accepting the protection of a foreign state is nothing but a confession of lack of human qualities, weakness and sloth. Indeed, it is impossible for those who have not fallen into this lowliness to voluntarily bring a foreign master to their head.

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However, the dignity, pride and ability of the Turk is very high and great. It is better for such a nation to perish than to live in captivity! So, either independence or death! This will be the motto of those who want true salvation. Let's suppose for a moment that this decision will fail to be implemented. What would it be? Captivity! Well sir. In the case of yielding to other lands, wasn't the result the same? With this difference, a nation willing to die for its independence finds solace in making all the sacrifices required by human dignity and honor, and no doubt, looking at a sluggish, dishonest nation that has put the chain of captivity around its neck with its own hands, its place in the eyes of friends and enemies will be completely different. Then, trying to continue the Ottoman dynasty and reign was of course committing the greatest evil against the Turkish nation. Because, although the nation gained its independence by risking all kinds of sacrifices, this independence could not be regarded as won if the reign continued. How could it be tolerated that a lot of crazy people who have no conscience or ideas with the homeland and nation, are kept in the position of guardians of the independence and dignity of the state and nation? As for the state of the caliphate, was it anything but ridiculous in the real world of civilization, which was flooded with light by science and technology? It seems that in order to ensure the implementation of our decision, it was necessary to touch on some issues that the nation was not accustomed to. There was an unavoidable necessity to bring forward the issues that were thought to cause great problems in terms of public opinion. It was necessary to rebel against the Ottoman Government, the Ottoman sultan and the caliph of the Muslims, and to revolt the entire nation and army. STAGE THE APPLICATION AND ADVANCE STEP BY STEP TO THE TARGET TO ARRIVE Whoever attacked the Turkish ancestral homeland and the Turkish independence, it was necessary to oppose them with arms as a whole and to fight with them. Of course, it would not have been right to reveal and express all the necessities and necessities of this important decision on the very first day. It was necessary to divide the implementation into some stages, to prepare the feelings and thoughts of the nation by making use of the events and the flow of events, and to try to reach the goal by progressing step by step. Indeed, it has been so. If our nine years of activity and what we have done are reviewed with a logical sequence, it will be self-evident that the general direction we have followed since the first day has never deviated from the path drawn by the first decision and the target it headed. Here, we must review a fact together to facilitate the unraveling of some knots of indecision that may have been entrenched in our minds. Since the National Struggle accepted the liberation of the homeland as the only goal against the attack from outside, this National Struggle As the struggle approached success, it was a natural and inevitable historical flow that the national will regime fulfilled all the principles and requirements until today. The monarch's family, which immediately sensed this inevitable historical flow with its traditional habits, became the fierce enemy of the National Struggle from the very first moment. I had seen and sensed this inevitable historical flow from the very beginning. However, we did not reveal and express this intuition, which continued until the end, in all its aspects. Talking too much about future possibilities would make our real and material struggle an imaginary adventure. Among those who deeply felt the imminent effects of external danger, those who would be frightened of possible changes contrary to their traditions, thinking abilities and spirit structures could mobilize their resistance power at the first moment. The practical and reliable way to success was to implement each phase as the time came. This was the right way to ensure the development and rise of the nation. I also walked this road. However, this practical and reliable way of success has also been the cause and explanation of some basic or secondary disagreements, resentments and even separations between us and some of my close colleagues in terms of opinions, behaviors or practices in the work done. Some of the passengers, who started the National Struggle together, turned to resistance and opposition to me, as the limits of their own intellectual and spiritual abilities in the development of the national life extending to today's republic and the laws of the republic were exhausted. I will try to point out these points one at a time in order to help you enlighten and enlighten the public.

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NATIONAL SECRET

If I had to summarize my last words, I can say that I had to gradually apply the great ability of development that I felt in the conscience and future of the nation, to the whole society, by carrying it in my conscience like a national secret. CONTACT WITH THE ARMY

Now, Masters, it was necessary, first of all, to contact the entire army. In a code I wrote to the Commander of the 15th Corps in Erzurum on May 21, 1919: "It is possible for me to fulfill this last duty of conscience, which we owe to the nation and the country, through a close and joint work, and that I am deeply saddened and distressed by the dangerous situation our general situation is taking. After announcing that I accepted this last job with the belief that it would be possible, that I wanted to go to Erzurum as soon as possible, but that Samsun and its surroundings faced the danger of facing a bad end due to the lack of security, it was necessary to stay there for a few more days. I asked you to let me know if there are any useful matters.

Indeed, the Greek gangs attacked the Muslim people in Samsun and its surroundings, and the regional administrators, who were already left without a mediator, could not take any measures because of the involvement of foreigners, which made the situation difficult. Although I made an attempt to appoint a person whom we know and expect great energy from, to Samsun as the governor, I appointed the 3rd Corps Commander as the governor of Canik temporarily. Emphasis was placed on taking all possible precautions in the region, especially enlightening the people on the real situation and explaining that there was no need to be afraid or afraid of the foreign troops and officers present, and the establishment of a national organization in that region was immediately started. On May 23, 1919, I informed the 20th Corps Commander in Ankara that I had come to Samsun, that I wanted to establish a closer relationship with him and that I wanted to be informed about the information he could get more easily about ÿzmir. I was interested in the situation of this corps while I was still in Istanbul. There was a train transfer from the south to the Ankara region. As I understood that this transport was being hindered, I asked Cevat Pasha, who was the Chief of General Staff on the days of my departure from Istanbul, to send the corps to Ankara on foot if the train transport of the corps was delayed. Therefore, in the coded telegram I mentioned, I asked if the 20th Corps units would be able to come to Ankara with their entire presence. After giving information about the Canik sanjak, I wrote that I would go to Havza for a while with my headquarters from Samsun in a day or two, and that I was definitely waiting for information from Samsun to enlighten me before my departure. In the reply I received from the 20th Corps Commander on May 26, 1919, three days later, I said that they could not get regular information from ÿzmir, that the telegraph officers informed that Manisa was also occupied, that the corps could not be able to transport all its units in Ereÿli by train, and that they started to march on land, but in between. He was reporting that it was not clear when they would arrive in Ankara due to the distance.

In the same telegram, the Corps Commander stated that the 23rd Division in Afyonkarahisar had a small number of people and that they were sending the soldiers they had there to this division, and that news had started to come from Kastamonu and Kayseri about some events that disturbed the security and wrote that he would give information from time to time. On May 27, 1919, from Havza, the 20th Corps Commander, and also the Army Inspectorate in Konya, to which this corps was affiliated, what resources were being used for the reinforcement of the division in Afyonkarahisar and whether there was financial opportunity to increase its strength, I asked him what kind of a task was planned to be given to this division according to the conditions and our situation. The Corps Commander was giving information about the issues I asked on May 28, 1919, and he said that the 23rd Division would not leave its place in the face of an enemy occupation and would defend its own section with the help of the people of the region if attacked. In his reply on May 30, 1919, the Army Inspector said that the 23rd Division, while maintaining the security in Karahisar, will resist any invasion by all means. It

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He stated that the vehicles were being prepared and that a force that could assist the army was being prepared in Konya, but that this force did not have a name or a title. In the telegram I wrote to the inspectorate, some news spread that a homeland army was being established in Konya, and I said what is its interior and organization. My purpose in asking such a question was to encourage and mobilize them. The last information given by the inspectorate is on this. The Corps Commander said to my request for explanation that he was not aware of the formation of the homeland army in Konya. From the information I gained through my contact with the 20th Corps and the Army Inspectorate in Konya, the points requiring attention and vigilance were determined on 1 June 1919 by the 15th Corps in Erzurum, the 3rd Corps in Samsun and the 13th Corps in Diyarbakÿr. I reported it to their commander.

I did not know the force and command situation in Thrace. It was necessary to contact that region as well. For this purpose, on 16 June 1919, Cevat Pasha, the Chief of General Staff, in Istanbul, with a special code - we had agreed on a secret and private password on the day I left Istanbul - with Cevat Pasha, who was the Corps Commander in Edirne and Cafer Tayyar Bey. I asked where he was. Cevat Pasha replied on 17 June. I learned that Cafer Tayyar Bey was in Edirne as the 1st Corps Commander. In the directive I gave in code to the 1st Corps Commander Cafer Tayyar Bey in Edirne on 18 June 1919 from Amasya, I stated the following: The actions of the Entente States, which strangle our national independence and prepared the dangers of the disintegration of our homeland, the captive and weak state of the Istanbul government. is known to you. To surrender the fate of the nation to such a government is to be doomed to collapse. It was decided to establish a joint and strong delegation in Sivas, a safe place, in order to unite the national organizations in Thrace and Anatolia and to make the voice of the nation heard with all its might to the world. The Trakya Pasaeli Society may have a delegation in Istanbul without being authorized. While I was in Istanbul, I met with some of the members of the Trakya Society. Now the time has come. Establish an organization immediately by secretly meeting with the necessary people and send a valuable person or two to me as a representative. In order to be the defender of the rights of the province of Edirne until their arrival, send a signed document stating that the members of the organization have chosen me as their deputy with their own signature and encrypted telegram. I have sworn on my sanctity that I will work selflessly with the whole nation until we gain our independence. The decision not to go anywhere from Anatolia is now final for me. In order to increase the spiritual power of Thrace, I added the following information to this instruction: The people of Anatolia were made into an indivisible whole. Decisions, without exception, are taken together with all the command boards and our friends. Almost all of the governors and governors are with us. The national organization in Anatolia expanded to districts and sub-districts. The propaganda about the establishment of an independent Kurdistan under British auspices was eliminated and its supporters were brought to the road. Kurds united with Turks. INVASION OF THE GREEK ARMY OF MANISA AND AYDIN SURROUNDINGS I learned that the Greek army had also occupied Manisa and Aydÿn until this date. However, I could not obtain any clear information about the situation of the forces that I knew were in ÿzmir and Aydÿn. I wrote some orders directly to these force commanders. Finally, on 29 June, I received an encrypted telegram dated two days ago from the 56th Division Commander Bekir Sami Bey. A man named Hurrem Bey was commanding the 56th Division in Izmir. Almost all of them, together with this person and the sword remnant officers of the two regiments in Izmir, were taken prisoner. The Greeks took them to Mudanya by ships. Bekir Sami Bey was sent to take command of these sword remnants.

Bekir Sami Bey, in his telegram dated 27 June 1919, says that he received my two orders dated 22 June 1919 only when he arrived in Bursa on 27 June. The information he gave and the statement he made said: I was compelled to move from Kula to Bursa on the morning of June 21st, as I could not find sufficient means to realize the national goals and I saw better services if I could reorganize my division and put it on its way. However, and despite many obstacles, the national

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"I managed to spread the idea that a struggle is inevitable for the salvation of the country," he says. He reports his unwavering belief in what I think and do. He wanted me to start contacts immediately on this issue, to give orders to the 57th Division in Çine, and to continue giving orders to him.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND AWARNING THE NATION

After staying in Samsun for a week and in Havza from 25 May to 12 June, I went to Amasya. During this period, I informed all commanders and civil administration chiefs with a circular that a national organization should be established throughout the country. It is a remarkable point that with the occupation of ÿzmir and then Manisa and Aydÿn, the nation has not yet been enlightened about the attacks and oppressions; There was no open reaction or complaint against this terrible blow to the national existence. Of course, the nation's silence and inaction in the face of this unjust coup could not be interpreted in their favor. For this reason, it was necessary to warn the nation and mobilize it. For this purpose, on 28 May 1919, the governors and independent governors were appointed to the 15th Corps in Erzurum, the 20th Corps in Ankara and the 13th Corps in Diyarbakÿr. I sent a circular to the Corps Commands and to the Army Inspectorate in Konya: The occupation of Ízmir and, unfortunately, Manisa and Aydÿn afterwards, made the future danger more obvious. In order to preserve our country's integrity, the reaction of the nation must be more lively and continuous. Events such as occupation and annexation, which made breaches in our way of life and our national independence, make the whole nation weep. The suffering cannot be relieved. In order to show that an immediate end to this insufferable and unbearable situation is eagerly awaited from the justice and influence of all civilized nations and great states, national demonstrations will be held by holding large and exciting rallies within the next week, according to various provinces, starting on Monday and on Wednesday to get the back of the application. to spread it to all towns and villages, to send impressive telegrams to the Sublime Porte with the representatives of all great states, to meticulously protect morality and dignity in the national demonstrations, although foreigners are also influenced in places where foreigners are present, and to avoid attitudes and behaviors such as attacks, demonstrations and hostility against the Christian people. it is essential. Your high personality is sensitive and effective in these matters, so I have full confidence that the business will be well managed and will be successful. Please be informed of the result.

rallies, national demonstrations

Following this instruction I gave, demonstration meetings began to be held everywhere. However, it has been understood that in a limited number of places, there has been some unfounded fears and hesitation. As an example, from the code dated 9 June 1919 sent by the Commander of the 15th Corps about Trabzon, it was stated that Istrati and Polidis at the meeting of the committee organizing the rally was not implemented, with the thought that an incident might occur out of nowhere that the Greeks might act inappropriately during the rally. It was clear that he was ready. Since Trabzon is an important center on the Black Sea coast and is an important center, the indecision about national initiatives and activities there, and the slackness that can be considered as evidence of the frivolity of the attempt, such as the presence of Istrative Polidis Efendiler in the negotiations to hold national demonstrations against the Greeks, are of course signs that will be considered very valuable for Istanbul and the enemies. There were also those who showed skill enough to abuse the principles in the instructions I gave. For example, a newly appointed mutasarrif in Sinop is directing the demonstrations there himself and says that he writes the rally decisions himself and has them signed by the public, and sends us a copy. The following lines were hidden in the long articles that this person had the poor people sign in the midst of a clamor: Turks

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failed to progress. If Europe could not accept and adopt the principles of civilization, it was due to the fact that it did not have a good administration until now. The Turkish nation can only live in a form of government that will be established under the protection and control of Europe, provided that it is under the reign and domination of its own sultan. Gentlemen, while I was looking at the signatures under this memorandum dated June 3, 1919, which was given to the representatives of the Entente States on behalf of the people of Sinop, the signature I saw after the signature of the deputy mufti made me discover the spirit that wrote and had the lines written by me. That signature was the signature of the person who was the second president of the Freedom and Alliance Party.

Echoes of National Shows

Three days after the date of my notification for demonstrations everywhere, that is, on May 31, 1919, I received the following telegram from the Minister of War: The copy of the note sent to the Sublime Porte by the British Extraordinary Commissioner and given to the Ministry of War is exactly as follows: Although it is known from the reports received so far that nothing more than ordinary banditry incidents have been observed in the 3rd Corps region, I request that a special investigation be made about the situations reported in the last note and the result be reported immediately. 31/8/1919 Minister of War Sevket Image 1- I am honored to inform you, His Highness the Grand Vizier, that I have received very worrying news in recent days regarding the situation in Sivas, what is going on there, and the security of the large number of Armenian refugees who are gathering in this city or near this city. 2 - Therefore, he orders the military commander to take all possible measures for the good protection and protection of the Armenians in his area of duty, and hastened to the aforementioned commander by the High Ministry of War of a telegram stating that he will be held directly responsible in case of any killing or illtreatment. I request from you, the high personalities of the Grand Vizier, to be ordered to withdraw.

3 - I also request that an instruction similar to this one be given to the relevant civil servants. 4 - Since I know how rightly the high personalities of the Grand Vizier are concerned about the securitydestroying events in the country, I am sure that the high personalities of the Grand Vizier will also be complied with. 5 - I declare that the information to be given about the date the said instruction was sent would make me very happy. In a telegram signed by Colonel Demange (Dömanj) in a telegram dated 2 June 1919 I received from the Deputy Governor of Sivas: Upon the occupation of ÿzmir, Christians were threatened with death in Aziziye, this action is not correct. Let me inform you about the situation, it was said that such situations would lead to the occupation of your province by the allied soldiers, and warnings were made. In reality, there was no alarming situation in Sivas, nor was it true that Christians were threatened with death. These should be accepted as fabricated news that the Christian minorities, who are afraid of the demonstrations started by the nation, deliberately spread in order to attract the attention of foreigners to themselves. I will present the answer I gave to the telegram of the Ministry of War, including the copy of the musical note:

Intelligence is very urgent.

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To the High Floor of the Ministry of War Reference: Password dated June 2, 1919 3.6.1919 There has been no event that would intimidate the Armenians who have been living in and around Sÿvas for a long time, and the refugees who came later. There is no worrying situation in Sivas or its surroundings. Everyone is busy with their work and power in silence. It is certainly for your information and I assure you. In this respect, I think it is necessary to know where the news in the English note originates from. It may perhaps be remembered that some were frightened by the meetings held by the Muslim public, which showed no hostility towards the Christian minorities, upon the bitter news of the occupation of Izmir and Manisa. As long as the Entente states respect the rights and independence of our nation, and the nation is sure that the homeland will not be attacked or dismembered, there is no reason for the Christian minorities to be afraid. I assume all kinds of responsibilities towards the state in this regard, and I request that it be given absolute confidence.

However, against the repetition of events and similar events in the Izmir region, such as occupation, killing and persecution, which destroyed the independence and existence of the nation and put the national existence in danger, I have nothing to do with myself or anyone to prevent or stop the excitement and pain of the nation, or the national demonstrations that would arise from it. Just as I cannot see power and might, I cannot envisage a commander, a civilian administrator or a government that can accept responsibility for the events that may arise.

Mustafa Kemal The copy of the answer given by me in this note was reported to all commanders, governors and mutasarrÿfs in a circular.

It is also known in your opinion that at this time, the protection of England was demanded by the whole nation by participating in the request of the British Society of Dissenters, a telegram was sent to all mayors with the signature of Sait Molla on behalf of this association, and that I made attempts before the government to illuminate the nation as necessary to nullify the effect of this telegram. Moreover, on 27 May 1919, among the statements of the agency called Turkey - Havas - Reuter (Royter) regarding the convened Sultanate Council, the opinions of all members of the Council were united at the point of ensuring the protection of one of the great states. I have stated in another statement how I informed the whole nation of this situation, although I spread that the news that did not represent the national conscience caused alarming reactions.

Upon the well-known invitation of Grand Vizier Ferit Pasha to Paris, I made some statements in the days when you held the first meeting of the First Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In order to explain my view and behavior on this subject, I will present this region for your information as it is. Password

ÿvedi Havza, 3.6.1919 Personal Refet Bey, the Commander of the 3rd Corps, in Samsun To His Excellency Kazÿm Pasha, Commander of the 15th Corps in Erzurum, To Erzurum Governor Münir Beyefendi, To Canik Governor Hamit Bey,

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To His Excellency Judge Hasbi Efendi, Deputy Governor of Sivas, To the Governor of Kastamonu ÿbrahim Beyefendi To His Excellency Ali Fuad Pasha, Commander of the 20th Corps in Ankara, To His Excellency Cemal Pasha, Inspector of Yÿldÿrÿm Kit'alan in Konya, To Cevdet Bey, Acting 13th Corps Commander in Diyarbakÿr, To Mr. Haydar, Governor of Van. It is understood from the official communiqués of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and agency publications that the French political representative Monsieur Defrance (Döfrans) came to the high office of the Grand Vizier and declared that they could go to Paris to defend the rights of the Ottoman Empire in the presence of the conference. This success, which is the result of our nation's violent reaction to the Izmir incident and thus of its unequivocal determination to protect its independence, deserves to be greeted with gratitude. However, despite this, the Greek invasion of Izmir could not be prevented. There is no doubt that these states will respect our nation and its rights as long as it continues to be demonstrated and proven against the Allied Powers that the nation is aware of its rights and is ready to act as a single body in order not to violate them.

It is natural that His Highness the Grand Vizier Pasha will do their best to defend the rights of the Ottoman Empire in the presence of the conference. However, the rights that are required and required to be defended by the nation gain importance in two aspects. The first is the absolute independence of the state and the nation, and the second is that the majority is not sacrificed to the minorities in the motherland. In this regard, it is essential that there is a complete compatibility between the opinion of the delegation prepared for action in Paris and the definite wishes of the national conscience. Otherwise, the nation may end up in a very difficult situation and faced with fait accomplis that are impossible to resolve. The reasons for this concern are as follows: His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha declared that he had accepted the principle of an Armenian autonomy. He did not specify the limit of this, of course the people of the Eastern provinces were saddened by this and were compelled to seek clarification of the situation. Even though almost all of the members of the Council of Reigns wanted to protect the national independence and leave the destiny of the nation to the authority of a national council, the protection of England was offered in writing by the Minister Sadik Bey on behalf of the Opposition and Freedom Party on which the government was based. It seems that there is no correspondence between the will of the nation and the view of the current government in the issue of accepting a broad Armenian autonomy and a foreign patronage of the state. Unless the principles and program that the delegation, which will act together with His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha, will follow in defending the rights of the nation, are known to the nation, it is impossible not to be alarmed at the points presented. In this way, representatives of Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye and Redd-i ÿlhak Societies in the provinces and their subordinates, and municipal committees in places where the organization has not been completed yet, by sending telegrams to His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha and directly to His Excellency. It should be stated that the absolute inviolability of national independence and the protection of the rights of the majority of the nation are the basic conditions of the nation, and it should be requested that the delegation that will go there officially and openly inform the nation about the principles of its defense. With such a move of the nation, it will be understood by the Entente States that the principles that the delegation will try to defend are really the will of the nation, and it will undoubtedly facilitate the task of the delegation by considering it with greater importance. On behalf of the destiny of our homeland, I especially request your patriotic high personality to convey these thoughts to those who need them and make them heard. I would also like to inform you of the time of receipt of this telegram. Mustafa Kemal

CALL BACK TO ISTANBUL

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Five days after this date, that is, on June 8, 1919, I stated on another occasion that I had been summoned to Istanbul by the Minister of War and that one of our statesmen had informed me of what I was asked for and by whom, upon my secret inquiry and investigation. That person was Cevat Pasha, who was sitting in the office of Chief of General Staff. Thereupon, some of the correspondence with Istanbul was learned by everyone. These correspondences continued with various Ministers of War and directly with the palace until the date I left office in Erzurum.

It had been a month since I had crossed into Anatolia. During this period, contact and connection with all army units were established; The nation was enlightened as much as possible, and the idea of establishing a national organization began to spread. It was no longer possible to carry on and manage the general situation with a commander. Although I had not obeyed and carried out the recall order, as I continued to manage the national organization and preparations, there was no doubt that I was in a personal situation. Moreover, it was not difficult to predict that the initiatives and activities that I decided to undertake would be deep-rooted and violent. In that case, it was necessary that the initiatives and activities to be carried out should be removed from the nature of being personal as soon as possible and that they should be in the name of a delegation that would ensure and represent the unity and solidarity of the whole nation.

DECISION TO MEET A GENERAL CONGRESS IN SÿVAS

For this reason, it was time to implement a point I had pointed out in the directive I gave to Thrace on 18 June 1919. As you remember, that point was to gather the national organizations in Anatolia and Rumelia and gather a general national congress in Sivas to represent and administer it from a center. For the realization of this goal, my aide Cevat Abbas Bey, the main points of the circular that I had written in Amasya on the night of 21/22 June 1919 were as follows:

1 - The integrity of the homeland and the independence of the nation are in danger.

2 - The Istanbul government cannot fulfill the responsibility it has taken on. This situation makes our nation seem to have disappeared. 3 - The independence of the nation will be saved by the determination and decision of the nation. ·

4- In order to fulfill the requirements of the situation and conditions of the nation and to announce its rights to the world with a loud voice, the existence of a national delegation free from all kinds of pressure and control is essential. 5 - It was decided to convene a national congress in Sivas, which is the safest place in Anatolia in all respects.

6 - For this, three representatives from every sanjak of all provinces, who have gained the trust of the nation, must be set out to catch up as soon as possible. 7 - Just in case, this matter should be kept a national secret and the representatives should make their journeys without introducing themselves when necessary. 8 - On behalf of the eastern provinces, a congress will be held in Erzurum on 23 July. If the representatives of other provinces can come to Sivas by that date, the members of the Erzurum Congress will also act to attend the Sivas general congress.

You see, these issues that I have dictated consist of the notification of a decision that I had already made and conveyed to Thrace four days ago to Anatolia with a circular. I think it can be easily appreciated that this decision was not a terrible and mysterious new decision taken in a dark room on the night of 21/22 June 1919.

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Let me make a small open compulsion if you wish, for the clarification of this point. Gentlemen, that draft is these papers (by showing them), it has four items. I reported the contents. It has my signature at the end. In addition, Colonel Kazÿm Bey (current Governor of ÿzmir Kâzÿm Pasha), who was my Chief of Staff due to his duty, Husrev Bey (now ambassador) from the staff, my aide Muzaffer Bey, who encrypted it to the military authorities, and a code that was encrypted to civil authorities. There are the signatures of the officer master. There are some other signatures besides these.

THE COME TO AMASYA OF AN ACCOUNT WHO HIDES THE NAME

It is by good luck and coincidence that these signatures were put on this manuscript. While I was still in Havza, I received a coded telegram from Ali Fuat Pasha, the 20th Corps Commander, who was in Ankara. This telegram came here from Istanbul with some friends of a person we know more or less. It was in the form of what order do you command about how they should act. This telegram, which resembles a riddle, aroused great curiosity and amazement in me. I know the person in question, he asks me how to act; Besides a reliable commander who was my friend in Ankara, the telegram is also encrypted. So why does he hesitate to even encrypt his name? I thought a lot, I seem to understand; Guess I didn't have time to bother with solving riddles. However, I think it was highly desirable to see Fuat Pasha closely and to talk to him about his regions, surroundings and thoughts. Inspired by this enigmatic telegram, I asked him the following request: After taking the precautions that will not reveal your departure from Ankara, change your name and clothes and come to me for a few days. Bring friends from Istanbul with you.

Indeed, Fuat Pasha, as I said, moves to Havza. However, due to some compelling reasons, I had to leave Havza immediately and go to Amasya. Fuat Pasha realizes the situation on the way to Havza and heads for Amasya. So, he is with me in Amasya on 21/22 June. The person whose name was not reported in the password was Rauf Bey.

Rauf Bey came to me when I was going to get into the car from my house to leave Istanbul. Hearing from a reliable place that the ferry I was going to get on would be followed and they did not arrest me while I was in Istanbul, perhaps I would be sunk in the Black Sea, he informed him. Instead of staying in Istanbul and being arrested, I preferred drowning and I acted. I told him to come to me if he eventually had to leave Istanbul.

Rauf Bey really felt the need to leave Istanbul and left... However, he did not come to me. Thinking that going to his friend, the 6th Division Commander Colonel Bekir Sami Bey and being closer to the Izmir front, would be more effective and more beneficial, he went to the Manisa region by way of Bandÿrma - Akhisar. Where he went, he found the morale of the people corrupt, the situation dangerous and terrible. He immediately changed his name from there, via Ödemiÿ, Nazilli, Afyonkarahisar, via Aziziye Sivrihisar and by car, came to Ankara, near Fuat Pasha, and sent me a message; very nice though! Was there any point in upsetting me by hiding your name?

On the other hand, I wanted to send Refet Bey, whom I left as my 3rd Corps Commander and left as Samsun governor, to the Corps headquarters in Sivas. I ordered it to come a few times. He inspected the area. I couldn't even get an answer to my orders. Finally, that day had come as a coincidence.

THE indecision of Mr. RAUF and Mr. Refet

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Now, let's come to the issue of signature: I wanted the manuscript to be signed by new friends as well. At that time, Rauf and Refet Beys were in my room, Fuat Pasha was in another room.

Mr. Rauf politely expressed that he did not consider himself interested and authorized to sign this manuscript as he was a guest. I told him to sign it, claiming that it was a historical memento. He signed on it.

Refet Bey refrained from signing and said that he could not understand the purpose and benefit of convening such a congress.

It was very painful for me that this friend, whom I have brought with me since Istanbul, has such a thought and feeling on a subject that is very easy to understand - according to the way we take. I summoned Fuat Pasha. When Pasha understood my purpose, he signed it immediately. I told Fuat Pasha that I could not understand the reason for Refet Bey's hesitation. After Fuat Pasha asked Refet Bey to make some serious explanations, Refet Bey took the manuscript and made a mark for himself. It is such a sign that it is very difficult to find it in this manuscript. (Here you go! Anyone who is curious can examine it.)

Sirs, these explanations, which may seem unnecessary, were made with the thought that they would help to illuminate some dark points of later years and events.

THE LETTER I SENT TO SOME PEOPLE IN ISTANBUL

The invitation circular to the congress was given to the civil and military authorities as a code. It was also sent to some people in Istanbul. But I also wrote a general letter to these people. The people to whom I wrote letters were: Abdurrahman ÿeref Bey, Reÿit Akif Pasha, Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha, Seyit Bey, Halide Edip Hanÿm, Kara Vasÿf Bey, Ferit Bey (Nafia Minister) President of the Peace and Salvation Party Ferit Pasha (later became the Minister of War), Câmi Bey, Ahmet Rÿza Bey. I will briefly repeat the points I made in this letter: l. Only rallies and demonstrations can never achieve great goals. 2. These will be saviors only if they are based on the common power that actually arises from the heart of the nation.

3. The most effective reason that makes the already painful situation dangerous are the opposition movements in Istanbul and the political and non-national propagandas that beneficially fail the national interest. 4. Now Istanbul has to be a part of Anatolia. 5. Your sacrifice is too great.

ALI KEMAL BEY'S CIRCULAR

I stayed in Amasya until 25 June. It is remembered that Ali Kemal Bey, who was the Minister of Internal Affairs at that time, issued a circular with a password stating that I was dismissed and that no official action should be taken with me anymore.

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I will present the text of this circular dated June 23, 1919 and numbered 84 for your information, as it is a document showing a remarkable understanding. It is the deciphered copy of the Interior Minister Ali Kemal Bey's code dated 23.6.1919 and numbered 84: Although Mustafa Kemal Pasha was a great soldier, he did not know much about the politics of the day, and despite his extraordinary patriotism and effort, he never succeeded in his new duty. He was dismissed at the request and insistence of the British Envoy Extraordinary; He further revealed these flaws with what he did and wrote after that. Like the Redd-i ÿlhak Societies, he increased his political error in the administrative direction with the telegrams he sent for a long time for some committees that were established as unordered, disrespectful and unlawful, which did not do anything other than to hurt the Muslim people in the vicinity of Balÿkesir and Aydÿn and to extort money by taking advantage of this opportunity. Bringing him to Istanbul is a matter of the Ministry of War.

However, the definite order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to you is to know that that person has been dismissed, not to engage in any official transactions with him, and not to fulfill any of his wishes regarding government affairs. I am sure that you will appreciate what kind of responsibilities will be fulfilled by acting in accordance with this circular. In addition, in these important and dangerous days, the biggest task that falls to the civil servants, the people, and every Ottoman is to show that we have come to our senses, to adopt wise and prudent behaviors, while the peace conference is deciding on our future and the accounts of the madness we have done for the last five years are seen. Is it not to tarnish this country again in the eyes of the civilized world, by protecting the life, property and chastity of each individual, regardless of racial differences?

ALI KEMAL AND THE PADISAH

I only learned of this coded circular on 27 June 1919, when I arrived in Sivas. Ali Kemal Bey resigned from the government on June 26, 1919, after serving an important duty to the enemies and the sultan with this circular on 23 June. In addition to the official resignation letter that Ali Kemal Bey gave to the grand viziership, I learned much later that he went to the palace and gave the sultan with his own hand, the copies of his resignation letter and his verbal exposure and the sultan's reply to him. Ali Kemal Bey, in his resignation letters, especially in this one belonging to the sultan: Upon the signs of uprising and confusion in various parts of the Ottoman lands, taking measures to suppress, extinguish and destroy the fire of the revolution immediately before it spreads, while it concerns only his own office, and the close attention and care shown by the sultan. After mentioning that some of his friends, who could not withdraw the trust, caused the revolution to expand by citing many unwarranted reasons, he added that he would continue to serve and loyalty in private, although he resigned from his official duty, and verbally begs to protect your servant from the attack of his opponents, who take advantage of his departure from his official duty.

Sultan, I trust that you will not leave me completely alone in return. Your devotion has given me great hope and comfort. The palace is open to you every minute. They compliment you not to leave the cooperation with Mr. Refik.

After seeing Ali Kemal in the ministry and in the presence of the sultan, to whom the sultan was given great hope and consolation, let's see him at the beginning of his real duty! If you don't mind, let's review one of Sait Molla's letters to Reverend Frew: I told Mr. Ali Kemal that you expressed your sadness over his recent disaster. It is necessary to have this substance. Let's not miss this opportunity. It is the best time to present a gift.

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Ali Kemal Bey met with that person yesterday. He said that you need to be a little cautious in the press business. It is not easily possible for us to direct the thought and pen connoisseurs, who were previously directed towards any detour, to a goal contrary to the previous one this time. All civil servants, National He said that they see the struggle as good for now. Ali Kemal Bey will follow your instructions to the letter and is trying to cooperate with the Zeynelâbidin Party. In short, things will get muddied. There is also a note under the same letter. Now let's read it too: Although I wanted to say it a few times, I forget. Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his supporters should appear to support themselves a little so that they can come here without any doubt. Give great importance to this work. We cannot support him with our own papers.

I will give more information about these documents when the time comes. That's enough for now.

ALI GALIP BEY IS IN SÿVAS

The circular of Ali Kemal Bey, which I was not aware of when I was still in Amasya, really confused the civil servants and the public. People with a negative spirit, who are not lacking everywhere, immediately started propaganda and activities against me. The most important of the undermining demonstrations and movements on this road was started to be prepared in Sivas.

Let me briefly explain this: On the 23rd of June, the date of the order given by the Minister of Internal Affairs, Ali Kemal Bey, with this circular, a man named Ali Galip Bey was present in Sivas with about ten men. This person is Staff Colonel Ali Galip, who was sent from Istanbul as the governor of Elazig. He has chosen some people from Istanbul, supposedly second-degree civil servants of that province, and takes them with him.

Ali Galip stayed in Sivas, which is on the road. Ali Galip, who should no doubt have a special mission, immediately found strong supporters there. He started to take arrangements and measures in order to fulfill his duty properly.

As soon as the order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs against me came, the activity started. In the streets of Sivas, stickers are affixed to the walls that I am a traitor, a rebel, a harmful man. One day, Reÿit Pasha, who was the governor in Sivas, went to the deceased and asked the process that he would apply to me if I went to Sivas after talking about the order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Reÿit Pasha asked what could be done, Ali Galip, if I were you, I would immediately tie your arms and arrest him. He said you should do the same. Reÿit Pasha could not believe that this would be so simple. The conversation is too long. The number of people who participated in the speech increased... So much so that some people gathered to understand the decision to be made... Today is the 27th of June. Let's take our eyes off this painting for a moment to return to this point and turn to Amasya:

MOVE TO SÿVAS

On the 25th day of the month, I got the news that some unbecoming incidents started to happen in Sivas. On the night of 25/26 June, I called my aide, Cevat Abbas Bey, and said that we will move south from Amasya in the dark tomorrow morning. I have ordered that this departure be kept secret.

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On the other hand, with the 5th Division Commander and my staff, we secretly decided on the following precaution: The 5th Division Commander would quickly establish a very strong mounted infantry unit consisting of distinguished officers and privates of his division, starting that night. I was going to drive to Tokat with my friends in the dark on the morning of June 26th. As soon as the union was established, it would be sent to Sivas via Tokat and would try to contact me. Our movement will not be reported anywhere by telegraph and will not be announced in Amasya as much as possible. I set off from Amasya on 26 June. As soon as I arrived in Tokat, I had the telegraph office taken into custody and ensured that my arrival was not reported to Sivas or anywhere else. I spent the night of 26/27 June there, I moved to Sivas on 27. By car, Tokat is about six hours from Sivas. I wrote a clear telegram to the governor of Sivas, announcing that I was moving from Tokat to Sivas. I used the title of Army Inspector in the signature. I had deliberately recorded my departure time in the telegram. However, I had measures taken to ensure that this telegram was sent six hours after my departure and that no information had been given to Sivas until then.

Now, Gentlemen, let's turn our gaze back to the painting we left in Sivas: The scene of discussion between Ali Galip Bey and Reÿit Pasha about the action to be taken against me... At a time when the discussion was heating up, they handed Reÿit Pasha my telegram from Tokat. Reÿit Pasha passes the news to Ali Galip Bey. Here he is coming, here you go, arrest him! says. When Reÿit Pasha saw the departure time written in the telegram, he immediately took out his own watch and looked...

Upon this, when Ali Galip said, "I will arrest you, I mean I will arrest you if it is within the borders of my province," the people in the meeting get excited. . . However, it is necessary to buy some time in order to prepare a brilliant welcome ceremony with the city's dignitaries, the people and the soldiers; but, taking into account that I would be close to the gates of the city of Sivas, they sought a way to rest me for a while at the Ziraat Numune farm, which is close to the entrance of the city. Governor Pasha called Tali Bey, who is the head of health of my headquarters and whom I had sent to Sÿvas to establish an organization before, and asked him to do this job and said that he would join us as soon as he made the necessary preparations. . In fact, Tali Bey appeared from inside a car that came across just near the Sample Farm. We got out of the cars and sat in the courtyard of the farm. When Mr. Tali explained in detail the situation I was describing and said that it was his duty to keep me entertained here for a while, I immediately stood up, quickly to the cars and to Sivas! I said. Let me explain why. What came to my mind at that moment was that they might have cheated on Tali Bey because we were going to hold a welcoming ceremony, and in reality they might have wanted to buy time to make a contrary arrangement.

While we were about to get into the cars, another car approached us from Sivas. There was Vali Pasha in it.

Reÿit Pasha, Sir, can't you rest for a few more minutes? he began to speak. I don't need rest even for half a minute. I said we will leave immediately and you should come to me. - Sir, he said, let Rauf Bey ride with you. I will come with the car in the back. - No no! I said. You here. ..

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There is no need to explain why this simple precaution was taken. When entering the city of Sivas, both sides of the street were filled with large crowds and the military units had taken the parade. We got out of the cars. I walked and greeted the military and the people.

This scene was a living witness that showed how devoted and loving the venerable people of Sivas and our heroic officers and soldiers in Sivas were to me... After that, I went straight to the Corps Command building and immediately brought Ali Galip with his entourage and the mischief-makers I understood to be his henchmen. I don't want to prolong the details that I doubt have given them enough weariness already by telling them what I've done.

I'll just make one point. Gentlemen, Ali Galip came to me alone at night, saying that he had some secret things to tell me after this bad behavior he encountered. I agreed. He pleaded not to give importance to the outward appearance of his behavior, accepted the governorship of Elazig, and tried to explain and prove with a thousand kinds of evidence that his purpose in coming here was to serve in my way, and that his stay in Sivas was based on the purpose of meeting me and getting directions from me. I must admit that he succeeded by keeping us entertained until morning.

THE DECISION TO APPEAR WITH THE NATIONAL OBJECTIVE

I found it appropriate to have a serious meeting with these two governors and 15th Corps Commander Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha and Rauf Bey who was with me, former Izmit governor Süreyya Bey, Chief of Staff of his headquarters Kazÿm Bey, Staff Husrev Bey and Doctor Refik Bey. I explained to them the way to be followed by explaining the general and special situation. In this connection, the most unfavorable situations, general and personal dangers; I expressed the unavoidable sacrifice that must be taken against all odds. And it is only the palace, the government and the foreigners who think about the destruction of those that will be put forward for the national purpose today. However, we should not exclude the possibility that the whole country will be deceived and turned against us. Those who will be leaders of the nation should not turn away from their goal at all costs, and should decide from the very beginning that they will continue to make sacrifices for this purpose until they breathe their last, at the last point where they can take shelter in the country. Of course, it would be more appropriate for those who do not feel this power in their hearts not to take the initiative. Because otherwise, they would deceive both themselves and the nation. Moreover, the task in question is not of a kind that can be carried out under the cover by taking shelter in official office and uniform. This style is sustainable to some extent. But now, that era has passed. It is necessary to come out openly and shout loudly for the rights of the nation and to make the whole nation a partner in this voice. There is no doubt that I was dismissed and faced all kinds of consequences. Collaborating openly with me means accepting the same result already. Moreover, there is no claim that the man these circumstances demand may necessarily be me in many other respects. However, it was inevitable that one of the sons of this country should be brought forward. A friend other than me may also be considered. As long as that friend can say yes to the action as the current situation expects from him, I said.

After these speeches and explanations, I said that I ended the negotiations in order to think for a while and to have private talks, since it would not be right to make random decisions. When we gathered again, they informed me that I should continue at the beginning of the work and that they would help and support me. A lonely friend, Münir Bey, for a while, due to his important excuse.

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He asked for his pardon from his actual duty. Formally, even after I left official duty and military service, I stated that the fulfillment of my orders is the basic condition for success, just as I was the top commander as before. After this point was fully accepted and accepted, the meeting was ended.

Gentlemen, the commanders, officers, all kinds of statesmen and statesmen with whom I had contact and relationship everywhere, starting from Cevat and Fevzi pashas who replaced each other in the office of Chief of General Staff in Istanbul, and ÿsmet Bey, who worked in the Peace Preparation Commission, until I came to Erzurum. I had made negotiations and agreements with the notables, as I did here in Erzurum. The benefit in this is appreciated. After giving instructions on the organization in Sivas and how to act, we set off from Sivas to Erzurum on a feast day in the morning of the night of 27/28, which passed without sleep.

After a tiring car journey for a week, on 3 July 1919, amid the sincere demonstrations of the people and the soldiers, Erzurum was reached. On July 5, 1919, I gave orders to all commanders to take measures in important centers with communication channels in order to control and prevent the negative orders that may come from the Istanbul Government. The commander, the governor and the Erzurum branch of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti were contacted. Governor Münir Bey was dismissed by the Istanbul Government. He was still in Erzurum, upon the news that I sent him to not move and stay in Erzurum. Mazhar Müfit Bey, who left the governorship of Bitlis and passed through Erzurum to go to Istanbul, was also waiting for me in Erzurum.

ERZURUM CONGRESS PREPARATIONS

In the first days of my development to Erzurum, it was important to take the necessary measures to ensure the convening of the Erzurum Congress. Gentlemen, the Erzurum branch of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti to form a founding committee on 3 March 1919 agreed with Trabzon to convene a Provincial-ÿ ÿarkiye Congress in Erzurum on the tenth day of July 1919. he attempted. He also made offers and invitations to send representatives to the Eastern provinces in June when I was still in Amasya. He made a lot of effort to bring representatives from the provinces, starting from that date, until my arrival in Erzurum and after that.

However, in the conditions of those days, the magnitude of the difficulty in realizing such a purpose is easily appreciated. Although the meeting day of the congress, July 23, was approaching, the representatives that were supposed to be sent from the provinces were not being elected and sent. However, it was now very important to ensure that this congress was convened. For this reason, it is necessary to make serious attempts on our part. While open telegrams were sent to each of the provinces, the necessary notifications were made to the governors and commanders with encrypted telegrams. Finally, with a thirteen-day delay, enough representatives were brought in to convene the congress. Gentlemen, it was extremely important to provide the support of the members of the army to the National Struggle and to carry out the military and national struggle in harmony with each other. The division in Trabzon was administered by proxy. His real commander, Halit Bey, was hidden in Bayburt. It was necessary for two reasons to get Halit Bey out of his hiding place. First and foremost, it was to increase the spiritual power by showing the nation and especially the members of the army that being called to Istanbul and not obeying an order did not require hiding. The other is important on the beach.

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It was based on the purpose of having an intrepid commander at the head of the division there in case of an external attack on Trabzon, which is a point. Therefore, I had Halit Bey brought to Erzurum. After giving him a special instruction, I ordered him to be in Maçka to head his division immediately when necessary. While we were dealing with these matters, we were compelled to waste time by responding to the deceptive telegrams of Ferit Pasha and the Sultan, who were in the office of the Ministry of War in Istanbul, which were sent one after the other to enable me to return to Istanbul.

RELEASING MY OFFICIAL ADDRESS AND AUTHORITIES, TO THE LOVE AND SACRIFICE OF THE NATION THE DECISION TO CONTINUE THE DUTY WITH CONSCIOUS CONSCIOUSNESS

The Ministry of War says come to Istanbul. The sultan started by saying "take a change of air, sit somewhere in Anatolia, but do not get involved in anything". Afterward, the two of them said together, "You must come!" they said. "I can not come!" I said. Finally, on the night of 8/9 July 1919, during a telegraph interview with the palace, the curtain fell and the game that had been going on for a month from 8 June to 8 July ended. At that moment, Istanbul ended my official duty. At the same minute, I sent a telegram to the Ministry of War at 22.50 on the night of 8 - 9 July 1919, and to the Sultan at 23.00, announcing that I was leaving the military along with my official duty.

The situation was announced by me to the armies and the nation. After this date, we continued our conscientious duty, stripped of official titles and authorities, relying only on the love and self-sacrifice of the nation, and getting inspiration and strength from its inexhaustible source of prosperity and power. While we were talking to Istanbul at the beginning of the telegram on the night of 8/9 July, it is not difficult to guess that there were other people listening and interested. In order to give an idea about those who, to say the least, tried to show their naivety as vigilance and prudence at that time and after that, I would like to present this document to your information as it is. Konya, 9.7.l919 Time: 6.00

On the night of 6/7 July, Refik Halit Bey, Telegraph and Post General Manager to the 3rd Army Inspector General's Office, and Konya Governor Cemal Bey, spoke by telegraph at the machine. I heard that the conversation went like this. The necessary action was taken for His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha. It will be brought to Istanbul. The action to be taken for His Holiness Cemal Pasha is ready. The governor of Konya:

- Thank you, they said. I kindly request you to present it to His Excellency Pasha. 2nd Army Inspectorate Password Manager Hasan

MERSINLI CEMAL PASHA'S GOING TO ISTANBUL

In fact, I learned four days ago that the 2nd Army Inspector Cemal Pasha, who was in Konya, went to Istanbul on leave for ten days, and I was astonished.

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Since the day I landed in Samsun, we had communication with Cemal Pasha about cooperating to realize the national cause, making military and national preparations and establishing an organization. I got positive positive responses from him. It would not have been wise for a commander, who had established such a relationship with me, to go to Istanbul by taking permission on his own. For this reason, with the code dated 5 July 1919, I wrote the following two articles to 12th Corps Commander Salahattin Bey in Konya: 1- To state clearly and very urgently the real reason for Cemal Pasha's departure to Istanbul for ten days;

2 - It is not right for your Essence to leave the head of the troops there for any reason or way. You should take measures against the worst case by communicating with Fuat Pasha on this matter. I would like you to give brief information about your situation every day. I also reported the copy of the same code to Fuat Pasha, who was in Ankara on the same date. In the coded telegram that Salahattin Bey gave in reply on 6/7 July, that is, when Refik Halit Bey was speaking to Konya Governor Cemal Bey at the beginning of the telegram, "Cemal Pasha is in Istanbul to contact some people and meet with his family. He went to Istanbul for ten days and voluntarily, on leave.

Cemal Pasha went, but could not come. We will see him a long time later as the Minister of War in the cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha.

DECISION TO REMAIN COMMAND

Unfortunately, we learned that Salahattin Bey, who was a witness to this situation and was advised not to leave his troops, went to Istanbul after a while. Upon this bad example of Cemal Pasha, I sent the following general statement on July 7, 1919.

1 - No intervention or attack can be made on the national forces established and organized to protect our independence. The national will has a voice and is dominant in the destiny of the state and nation. The army is dependent on this national will and is at its service. 2 - If the inspectors and commanders are removed from the command for any reason, those who will replace them, if they have the qualities to cooperate, will leave the command to them; however, they will continue to perform their national duties by remaining in their jurisdiction. Otherwise, that is, in the case of the appointment of people who may lead to a second Izmir incident, the command will never be left, and the appointment made by all inspectors and commanders on the grounds that they cannot be trusted will be rejected and not accepted.

3 - If the government gives an order to disperse any unit, our military and national organization, under the pressures of the Allied Powers in order to occupy our country easily, this order will not be accepted and will not be carried out.

4 - The army will definitely prevent any influence and intervention that will lead to the decline and failure of the Defensei Hukuk-ÿ Milliye and Redd-i ÿlhak Societies and their initiatives, whose goal and aim is to save national independence.

5 - In order to save the independence of the state and the nation, all civil servants of the state are the legitimate assistants of the Defense-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye and Redd-i ÿlhak Societies, like the army.

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6 - In the event of an attack on any part of the homeland, since the whole nation is ready to defend its rights, action and cooperation in defense will be ensured by informing each other as soon as possible for cooperation in the face of such events. This notice was sent to all the army and corps commanders and other interested parties in Anatolia and Rumelia.

REFET BEY'S RELEASING THE COMMAND OF THE 3rd CORD

Five or six days after this general declaration, I received an encrypted telegram from Kavak, signed on 13 July 1919, signed by 3rd Corps Commander Refet. The text of the telegram is exactly as follows: Colonel Salahattin, Head of the War Office, came from Istanbul with a British ship to take over my duty. The Ministry orders me to return in the same ship. Salahattin Bey will work in accordance with the purpose. Considering the general situation, I found it appropriate to hand over the command to him and informed the Ministry of War that I had resigned. I also give extensive information. I'm moving in the direction of Sivas. Answer Amasya through the 5th Division Commander Arif Bey. Gentlemen, I must confess that I was not very pleased with this attitude and attitude. Refet Bey's cooperation with me is known in Istanbul. When a person who adopts these works comes to take over his duties and also with a British ship, the immediate provision is that he can be trusted to serve the British opinion. Even if this provision was only a matter of opinion, Refet Bey should not have rushed to take over the command, at least he should have taken our opinion.

Since he trusted and handed over the command to himself, I was of the opinion that it would be appropriate to stay away from him for a while, at least until we get him to adopt our position and our views, and then go away after establishing a connection with him. However, since I was left with a fait accompli, I was compelled to content myself with seeking consolation at two points. The first was the sentence in Refet Bey's telegram that Salahattin Bey would work in accordance with the purpose, and the second was that Refet Bey had not gone to Istanbul at least. Upon this situation, I immediately drew their attention by informing all the commanders that the slightest mistake of going to Istanbul would be very costly and that we would continue to implement our program in the best way possible. I had Refet Bey send a coded telegram on the same date (July 14, 1919) with the sentence that Salahattin Bey would implement our decisions as desired, and that he had made the friends here very emotional and gave them strength.

I had Salahattin Bey send the same telegram to himself. 14.7.1919 31 To the 5th Division Command in Amasya, Refet Bey: If you see fit, send the following telegram to Mr. Salahattin and report the result.

Mustafa Kemal To Mr. Salahattin: Your coming from Istanbul's besieged environment to the sacred heart of the nation and the fact that you have honored the determination and patriotism of your devoted friends were met with great joy. God will lead us all to victory in the common zeal for the fulfillment of my holy purpose. I kiss your eyes.

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(Mustafa Kemal) 3rd Army Inspector Chief of Staff Albav Kazim The first doubt and indecision about Salahattin Bey was shown by Refet Bey, who trusted him after Salahattin Bey said that he would work in accordance with the goal, and immediately surrendered the command and moved away towards Sivas. A telegram sent by Refet Bey from Amasya revealed not only the suspicion about Salahattin Bey, but also his views on several other points. Let me inform you as it is: Immediate Security to the 15th Corps Command at 719 Erzumun.

Amasya, 15.7.1919 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha:

You know Mr. Salahattin. First of all, Kazÿm Pasha should attempt to communicate with him through congratulatory and soft expressions. There is nothing more about the dismissal of Hamit Bey. But attempts were made to leave it in place. I don't think he'll stay here if he's fired. However, I am trying to impress.

There is no doubt that the British will pressure the government for my return. I'll stay here, adjusting myself to the situation. As I understand from the British and the Americans passing by, Kazÿm Pasha's situation is also dangerous. Again, I would always recommend moderation and good handling of the situation ( Refet ). 5th Division Commander Arif

Hamit Bey, mentioned in this telegram, was the governor of Samsun. In the first days of our arrival in Samsun, Hamit Bey recommended me because he trusted me that Refet Bey was a friend with the qualifications to work devotedly with us until the end due to the old law and friendship between them, for the common cause, and I was appointed as the Grand Vizier and Chief of General Staff Cevat Pasha. He was the person we were able to bring to Samsun by reporting the situation to .

Was there any doubt that such a person would eventually be dismissed? However, Mr. Refet says that the necessary places have been applied to leave him in place. Where? Who are you going to? Who has applied? Then again, I don't think he'll stay around if he's sacked. However, I'm trying to impress! says. To where? Will he go to Istanbul? How? Hasn't this person worked with us until now?

In this telegram, Mr. Refet firmly admits that the British will put pressure on the government for his return and says that he will adjust himself according to the situation and stay here. However, the situation is clear and I informed him of what to do with my general instruction dated July 7, 1919 (Article 2 of the abovementioned instruction). There was nothing else to do but him. Refet Bey understood from the British and the Americans passing by that Kazÿm Pasha's situation was also dangerous. What does this mean? What does it mean for friends who need to protect their determination and will the most, to have the delusion of danger from the words of those who will never have mercy on us, and to say this with faith? At the end of his telegram, Mr. Refet gives me a lesson, he says.

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I leave the interpretation of the meaning of the word "measured" here to the owners. I think the person who advised me on good administration would have acted more sincerely if he had followed my orders and instructions properly and before he left his job.

DISCLAIMER OF HAMÿT BEY BY THE GOVERNMENT OF ISTANBUL

Gentlemen, Hamit Bey sent me the following short telegram from Samsun on 14 July 1919: I heard from a reliable source that I was fired. I expect the order to arrive in a day or two. Then I submit that I will go to Istanbul. While I am saddened that Mr. Refet has left the command, on the same day, I learn that another friend, from whom we expected a self-sacrificing behavior at an important point, was in an incomprehensible attitude as if we were in normal conditions. The following telegram was sent to Hamit Bey on 15 July 1919: My brother Hâmit Bey, we have heard that ÿbrahim Ethem Bey has been appointed in your place. I wrote to Refet and asked you to meet and come inland together. I don't know what sense of security inspires you to go to Istanbul. Moreover, while we are trying to lure our esteemed friends from Istanbul to Anatolia and thus not to keep the truly patriotic ones from serving the national cause, you are entering an environment surrounded by enemies with this move. We didn't find it right. Go to Refet. You can either stay together near Sivas or you can come to us comfortably. We expect a definite answer.

Five days later (July 20, 1919), the telegram of Canik Governor Hâmit Bey from Samsun was as follows:

The nation, which fell into despair in the face of the increasing disgrace of Byzantium, is waiting for a ray of hope from the East. They see this place and those here in such an imaginary form and creation that even I doubt if there is anything. I am ashamed of my indifference. We don't sleep though. We want to do something, However, I think that we are dealing with the shape and theory of this thing, and we have chosen long paths. Time and situation cannot afford to wait. The situation in the country is getting worse from minute to minute. In this respect, it is necessary to speed up our work by not dwelling too much on thoughts. What comes to my mind in this regard is this: Let's send a telegram from everywhere and at the same time to the Zatishahane. He drew attention to the fact that the nation, seeing where it is being dragged because of the disgrace that has been done many times at its own will and volition, in front of its eyes for ten months, has decided to take over its destiny at any cost, and that a government that the nation can trust has not been established within forty-eight hours, and that a constituent assembly has not been established. Let's add that we don't know him or his government unless it is decided to convene. There is no difficulty in this. In keeping with the tradition, 'people who do not regret breaking the neck, let's march, come after us, sir. I would like to guess that we found this telegram of the Canik governor, who five days ago that he would go to Istanbul if he was dismissed, suggesting a decision and action, although it was written a bit angry.

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Mutasarrif Bey suspects that there is something in the place where the nation is waiting for a ray of hope. He thinks that we are astonished people who do not know what they want to do and deal with form and theory. It also tells us what to do to speed up our work by shortening our thoughts. It would have been better if, after this, he had not put forward an ugly thought that exposed the inaccuracy of all his views.

Gentlemen, history is full of consequences and punishments faced by those who have the belief and belief that "the nation that does not regret breaking the neck by following the tradition, let's walk and follow us". Managers, and especially statesmen, should never have such crippled and distorted views. Hâmit Bey does not touch at all what we wrote in this telegram about being drawn inwards with Refet Bey.

In a reply we gave to this telegram of Hamit Bey on July 21, 1919: "I hope everything will happen. However, in order to establish a cabinet that the nation can trust, first of all, it is necessary to create a force that that cabinet can rely on. That is the Eastern Provinces Congress and its companion, Sivas General. We said that it will take place with the convening of the congress.

COMMUNICATIONS WITH REFET BEY

Gentlemen. It is necessary to mention again the 3rd Corps, and in this connection, Refet and Salihattin Bey. Its relevance is: The British spread the rumor that they would send a battalion to Sivas. Just in case, it was necessary to take military measures in various directions that came to Sivas. For this reason, in the text of an order I gave to the 5th Division Command in Amasya on July 18, 1919, there were the following sentences of Refet Bey, who was in Amasya at that time: attention was drawn to it. Maybe Mr. Refet would prefer to stay in Amasya for now, considering such a situation.

The reply given by the 5th Division Commander on 19 July 1919 included the following remarkable sentences:

"Sel â hattin Bey is still in Samsun. Since I have not been able to contact him and there has been no serious and important communication, I do not know where the thought and belief of the said commander is."

Ankara Refet Bey made him feel that he would not have the courage to oppose the British when necessary."

"Refet Bey moved to Sivas on July 18, 1919" (Document: 35). Thereupon, I had Refet B y give the following password: Personal 19.7.19l9 Issue: 115

Did you give my telegram to the 5th Division Command in Amasya, to the 3rd Army Sanitary Inspector Colonel ÿbrahim Tali Beyefendi, to Refet Bey'edir Sa 1 a linetin B in Sivas? Since it is a patriotic duty to determine the final convictions of this friend and to not tolerate and consent in any or way bilateral to a administration, catastrophic situation it is imperative such as to ' indecision take a word from him in the form of yes or no and make a decision accordingly. Starting from the point where you left off is the most suitable program for them.

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The fact that no definite information could be received even though a week passed, that a news from Istanbul did not show a solid opinion about him and that he had a secret meeting with Sadÿk Bey before his and departure that he complained about his friendship led to the writing of this telegram. You should especially appreciate and resolve this situation and its consequences. Because, it is enough to think in advance about the reaction that even a single wrong word and against the national purpose will cause in any community of us, and the situation in which this will stop (Mustafa Kemal). Colonel Kazÿm, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate I will present to your information the following telegram of Mr. Refet, who answered not only this telegram but also many questions: Security-related and very urgent l828 Sivas, 22.7.1919

To His Excellency Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, Deputy of the 3rd Army Inspectorate in Erzurum. You know Saladin Bey very well like everyone else. It is an unstable nature. He came with the intention of staying in this area for no more than ten days. He almost fled back without taking command. I reminded him of his patriotic duty by giving him a sense of trust and making him believe. He probably loves his hometown. However, he cannot come to see untimely work. It's more or less better than Reÿit Paÿa. As he was aware of the weapons that passed through the 13th Corps, he also worked in Istanbul to deal with this task and was successful. He was chosen and sent here by Cevat Pasha. In this respect, it cannot be harmful to the purpose and does not say a single word against the purpose in any community of people. On the contrary, he promised to work quietly but in accordance with the national cause. I do not believe the information given about his relationship with Sadÿk Bey. Working without thoroughly checking the news we have already received and without a specific program leads would to the not losshave of forces. been Perhaps compelled I would to relinquish have handled command it better had you and not been caught up in the exaggerated reports you received in the information you gave me about the situation in the East. You also appreciate that people who will decide on their own should know the real situation. So, what will come of frightening Sal â hattin Bey for nothing and making him say no? How many yeast is ready anyway. Who will replace him? I would like your orders to be short and clear. Please read your telegram about Sâ lahattin Bey again.

I could not deduce exactly what was meant by this telegram, which began with a storm and ended with a calm. However, Sal â hattin Bey returns from Samsun in a few days. I will meet with him: I am certainly taking the necessary measures to administer him in an appropriate manner and to serve the purpose.

2 - In my contact with the British, I understood that the battalion landed in Samsun was intended to intimidate their personalities, whom they thought you were in Sivas, although it changed the Indian Muslims there. When I was in Kavak, an English chief came to persuade me to go to Istanbul. He openly said that they took advantage of my resistance against the British, but in fact, they had me dismissed to wear out their essence. The other support of Zatiali's was Kâz i m Karabekir Pasha. In this respect, Kâzÿm Pasha should not give his hands a handle that would lead to the insistence of the British. The fact that Ferer Pasha appointed Kâzÿm Pasha as the deputy commander after your resignation shows that some of the people in Istanbul did not have bad intentions. However, they cannot do anything against the insistence of the British. The appointment of Kâzÿm Pasha as a proxy also shows that Sal â hattin Bey did not come here on behalf of Sadÿk Bey.

3 - It is very likely that the British will put pressure on the Istanbul government for me to be taken to Istanbul. Because it's between me and the British. there is an official relationship ( ! ). If this pressure increases, I will lose my trace in order not to leave Sal â hattin Bey in a difficult situation. 4 - The rumor that Hâmit Bey will be changed has not come true yet. Both Sal â hatt in Bey and the British applied to the Istanbul Government to have him left in place. The attempt to change this person is the result of ' his fight with the Ministry of Internal Affairs. S al â hattin B ey

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It is not true that Sedat Bey came to Konya instead of him. Although Hamit Bey writes that he has heard that all commanders will be replaced, the appointment of Kâzÿm Pasha as a deputy shows the opposite.

5 - Have you seen the telegram dated July 20, 1919, which was directly communicated to the provinces from the Grand Vizier's Office regarding the Sivas Congress? The commander of the division in Karahisar published a notice to be elected as a representative to this congress. Do you find this behavior style appropriate? Doesn't the peace treaty with Germany and the silence in the East require us to be cautious as we wait for the situation to develop? He now understands that I have no concerns for myself. you are (!). We will only impede the goal with indecisive and unscheduled movements. Let's be prudent or expose the matter right away. But let's do either one. Do you expect any benefit from Sivas Congress today? According to the current situation, don't you find it dangerous to hold this congress in Sivas and openly? A blow to Sivas from the south would divide Anatolia into two, especially because of the anemia of the people of this province, and it would be very dangerous. For this reason, it is extremely important that this province seems to be neutral until the last moment. If this congress must be convened, if, according to the news we have received, representatives can come, would it not be more appropriate to hold it elsewhere in the East? 6 - The people of the cities of Sivas and Amasya are very vulgar; People in towns and villages are much better looking at them. After that, I will adjust my work accordingly. 7 - In the news I received from Istanbul, it is recommended that the British be appeased by issuing a statement by their personal followers that the National Struggle here is not based on the purpose of any party or individual to realize their own private ambitions, but only on the purpose of saving the safety and independence of the nation. If this is deemed necessary, I think it would be appropriate for it to be published by your vizier, not in the form of a statement, but perhaps by inserting it into the decisions of the Erzurum Congress. 8 - Agencies are talking about the parliamentary elections. What do you think about this? (Refet) I will content myself with conveying the answer we gave to this telegram as it is: The password was withdrawn by the officer's hand 23.7.1919 Ivedi 171

To Zeki Bey, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Corps in Sivas To Mr. Refet: 1- I called to read the telegram about Sal â hatt in Bey once again. But it cannot be found. As I remember, the issues in question for this person were reported from Istanbul. It is rarely possible to control the accuracy of every news received as desired. Although the information we have received about the situation in the East is not without exaggeration, I believe that we have not taken a wrong step. In our destiny, it is not enough to depend only on the development of events in the East. To act differently and more cautiously in matters of command and weapons, and in making the necessary final decisions, in order to root the national organization by gaining breadth and vitality, to adopt the national cause through congresses, to provide the support and assistance of the army to the national organization, and to avoid the loss of the national cause, I wonder if it could provide today's productive result? In any case, the current situation is enough to please everyone.

2 - The appointment of Kâzÿm Pasha as the deputy commander was very appropriate. He tries not to give his hands any apparent reason to insist on the British. However, it is obvious that we cannot be tolerant about weapons and preventing the deployment of troops to Trabzon. However, these reasons put forward will not please the British at all. 3 - The British insisted a lot for me to be taken to Istanbul and put heavy pressure on the government. During the negotiations with the Government and the Sultan at the machine for days, this

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point clearly stated. The texts of these conversations will also be seen by you when we talk. The only thing is that when he left the profession, the insistence came to an end. In this respect, I do not think that there will be a big insistence for you after your resignation. However and otherwise, I would rather let Salâhattin Bey get into a difficult situation than to lose track of you. Here, the government and the British insisted very much ' on Kâzÿm Pasha about Halit Bey. Since Kâzÿm Pasha insisted on Halit saying Bey is that stillnothing at the head couldof behis done, division, today even if not officially.

4 - Hâmit Bey, with his last telegram, shows his desire to act faster than all of us. Softened for now.

5 - I haven't seen the telegram about the Sivas Congress yet. Indeed, there are positive extremes in some places and negative in others. Undoubtedly, I am in favor of being prudent in such a way as to be able to act according to the situation and efficiently. This clear and definitive program that concerns everyone will emerge from the Erzurum Congress negotiations, which are starting to convene today. I expect many benefits from the Sivas Congress. Not today, but even when the Sivas Congress was mentioned for the first time, you remember that I saw a high probability that a coup might come from every direction, especially from the south, and therefore he asked for defensive measures to be taken. However, after the Erzurum Congress is convened, it is considered more practical and reliable according to the number of representatives who will come to Sivas and the situation that will arise from the effects of the Erzurum Congress. 6 - You brother has a very good idea of organizing studies. However, I hope that it will not be far from keeping the citizens under national feeling and influence. 7- The aim and target of the National Struggle will be announced in the way you envision, through the papers to be published by the congress. 8 - Parliament should convene. But not in Istanbul, in Anatolia. An attempt will be made after this issue is discussed in the congress. We all kiss your eyes, brother. (Mustafa Kemal)

Colonel Kazÿm, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate

AID OF ERZURUM PEOPLE

Gentlemen, I consider it my duty to express here the unforgettable memory left in me by the trust and closeness that all the people of Erzurum and the Erzurum branch of the Vilayat-ÿ ÿarkiye Mühafaa-i Hukuk-ÿ Milliye Cemiyeti left me after I left the military. In the letter I received from the Erzurum branch of the Society, dated 10 July 1919, they offered me to take over the chairmanship of the Society and accept the Chairmanship of the Board of Directors, and gave the names of the five people they had chosen to work with.

These five people were Raif Efendi, retired Major Süleyman Bey, retired Major Kazÿm Bey, Albayrak newspaper editor Necati Bey, and Dursun Beyzâde Cevat Bey. In the article I mentioned, it was reported that Rauf Bey was elected as the Second Chairman of the Board of Directors. At that time, the Chairman of the Erzurum Branch was Raif Efendi, the members were Hacÿ Hafÿz Efendi, Süleyman Bey, Maksut Bey, Mes'ut Bey, Necati Bey, Ahmet Bey, Kazÿm Bey and the secretary Cevat Bey.

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The Erzurum branch also requested that I be notified by telegram that I was given the authority to make decisions and speak on behalf of the Headquarters with a telegram they tried to deliver to the Headquarters in Istanbul.

Moreover, to facilitate our participation in the Erzurum Congress, retired Major Kazÿm and Dursun Beyzade Cevat Bey, who were elected as the Erzurum representatives of the Congress, resigned from the representation.

ERZURUM CONGRESS

Gentlemen, as you well know, the Erzurum Congress convened on the 23rd of July 1919 in a modest school hall. On the first day, they elected me president. In my speech to enlighten members of Congress about the situation and, to some extent, the path taken:

I pointed out that no patriot can be conceived who, by the force of history and events, would not show the bloody and dark dangers we are directly in and would not be startled by it. I talked about the attacks and occupations made in violation of the terms of the Armistice Agreement. I said that history can never deny the existence and rights of a nation, and therefore, the judgments against our homeland and nation are eventually doomed to bankruptcy. I stated that the power that will have the last word in saving and protecting the sacred assets of the homeland and nation and fulfilling this requirement is the heroic spirit of the national movement, which has become an electrical network throughout the country. To help strengthen spirituality, I have summarized some of the available information regarding the current historical struggles of all known nations on earth to achieve their national goals.

And I stated that a national will that dominates the destiny of the nation can only arise from Anatolia. I have indicated the formation of a National Assembly based on the national will and the establishment of a government that will derive its power from the national will as the first objective of the congress studies.

STATEMENT AND DECISIONS OF THE ERZURUM CONGRESS

Gentlemen, the Erzurum Congress lasted 14 days. The result of his work consists of the statute he determined and the articles of declaration announcing the provisions in this statute. If this statute and the text of the declaration is examined by omitting some minor and secondary thoughts and opinions required by the time and environment, we will arrive at some deep-rooted and wide-ranging principles and decisions. If you allow me, let me point out what these principles and resolutions consist of, I think, even then:

1 - The parts of the homeland within the national borders are a whole. They cannot be separated from each other ( Statement, article 6; Explanation of article 3 of the bylaw: 1st article of the charter and statement, please read and examine...) 2 - Against all kinds of foreign invasion and intervention, and in the event of the dissolution of the Ottoman Government, the nation will defend itself and resist. ( Bylaws article 2 and 3; Declaration, article 3 )

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3 - If the Istanbul Government fails to show its power to protect the homeland and achieve independence, a temporary government will be established to realize this aim. Members of this government will be elected by the national congress. If the Congress is not convened, this election will be made by the Representative Committee. (Statute, article 4; Declaration, article 4)

4 - It is essential to recognize the Kuva-yÿ Milliye as the only force and to make the national will dominant (Declaration, article 3).

5 - Christian minorities cannot be granted privileges that will disrupt our political dominance and social balance ( Declaration, article 4 ). 6 - Mandate and Protectorate cannot be accepted (Declaration, article 7). 7 - Efforts will be made to ensure that the National Assembly is convened immediately and that the work of the government is controlled by the assembly (Declaration, article 8). Although these principles and these decisions have been interpreted in various ways, they have been able to be applied without changing their real qualities. Gentlemen, while we were trying to put forward these decisions and these principles that I summarized at the Congress, Grand Vizier Ferit Pasha was also making some statements in the press. These statements should be called the national journal of the Grand Vizier. The press of 23 July 1919 declared to the world: "Confusion broke out in Anatolia. Meetings are held under the name of the Majlis-i Meb'usan, contrary to the Kanun-i Esasi. This action must be prevented by military and civilian officials." Necessary measures were taken against this and it was demanded that the Parliament be called to the meeting. On the seventh day of August, Congress, as it ends its meeting, said to its members: I said that "important decisions have been taken, the existence and unity of our nation has been shown to the whole world" and I said "history will record this congress as a rare and great work". I believe that time and events have proven that my words are not inaccurate, Gentlemen. The Erzurum Congress elected a Representative Committee in accordance with its statute. According to the Law on Associations, the names and identities of the members of the Representative Committee are shown in the letter dated August 24, 1919, which was given to the Erzurum Governor's Office to replace the petition: Mustafa Kemal Former 3rd Army Inspector, retired from military service Rauf Bey, Former Naval Minister.

Raif Efendi, Former Erzurum Deputy. ÿzzet Bey is a former Trabzon Deputy. Servet Bey, Former Trabzon Deputy. Sheikh Fevzi Efendi is the Nakshi Sheikh in Erzincan. Bekir Sami Bey, Former Governor of Beirut Sadullah Efendi, Former Member of Parliament for Bitlis.

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Haci Musa Bey, Mutki Tribe Bey Gentlemen, incidentally, these people have never come together and worked together. Among them, ÿzzet, Servet, Hacÿ Musa Bey and Sadullah Efendi never came. Raif and Sheikh Fevzi Efendi participated in the Sivas Congress, but after that, one of them returned to Erzurum and the other to Erzincan, and they did not attend the Representative Committee again. Rauf Bey and Bekir Sami Bey, who joined us at the Sivas Congress, stayed with us until he went to the Parliament in Istanbul.

INVISIBILITY AT THE ERZURUM CONGRESS

Gentlemen, I would like to make a small point as a souvenir. Whether or not I would attend this Erzurum Congress as a member was considered worthy of consideration. Although it is possible to give the thoughts of some of those who showed this indecision to their goodwill and sincerity, I had no doubt at that time that some other people were far from being completely sincere in this matter, but were pursuing an evil purpose. For example, like Ömer Fevzi Bey and his friends, who became an enemy spy and somehow got himself elected as a representative to the congress from somewhere in Trabzon. The treachery of this person was fixed later in Trabzon and after he escaped from there, with his activities and movements in Istanbul.

Two or three days before the end of the congress, another discussion began to take place. Some of my close friends found it objectionable for me to enter the Representative Committee and operate openly. His views can be summarized in the following points: It is necessary to show that national enterprises and activities are born from the nation in its entirety, and that it is truly national. In this case, the attempts to be made will be stronger and will not allow anyone's bad comments and especially the negative thoughts of foreigners. However, if a well-known man like me, who has rebelled against the Istanbul Government, especially the Caliphate and Sultanate, and became the target of the attacks, is seen to be at the head of all these national initiatives, the belief that the activity is based on the realization of personal goals rather than national goals awakens. In this respect, the Representative Committee should be composed of people elected by the provinces and independent sanjaks. However, in this way, a national power can be shown.

I am not going to investigate to what extent these views are appropriate. Let me list only my thoughts against these views and some of the points on which I base them: In particular, I had to attend the congress and manage it. Because I believed in the necessity of ensuring that the national will is put into action without delay and that the nation begins to take direct, actual and armed measures. In order to be able to appreciate and determine these essential points, I considered it necessary to work by enlightening, guiding and administering in the congress. Indeed, it did. I confess that I am not yet confident that I will be able to put the principles and decisions of the Erzurum Congress, which I have explained before, into the field of application of any delegation of representatives.

As a matter of fact, time and events have confirmed me. In addition, to ensure the convening of the Sivas General Congress, which was decided while I was still in Amasya and which I had the whole nation communicated to by all means, to represent the whole nation and country with only one delegation, and also to give the same attention not only to the Eastern provinces but also to every corner of the country. I have to make it clear that I do not believe that any committee can realize the issues of trying to find defense and rescue remedies with sensitivity. Because, if I had such a conviction, I would wait for the results of the efforts of those who attempted and operate until the day I took office, and I would choose not to resign. I would not have felt the need to rebel against the government, the Sultan and the Caliph. On the contrary, I, like some two-faced and two-sided players, continued to carry the duty of the Army Inspector of that day and the title of Adjutant of His Excellency, who was very pompous and ostentatious in appearance.

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Although, of course, there were drawbacks for me to come forward openly and to lead all national and military movements. However, could that inconvenience be anything other than my being subjected to the greatest punishment and torment in case of failure, before anyone else and more than anyone else? However, while the life and death struggle of the whole country and a whole nation was in question, was there any place for those who said they were patriots to think about their own end? Gentlemen, if I had followed the thoughts and delusions put forward by some friends, there would have been great inconveniences in two respects. To admit that there is inadequacy and weakness in my thoughts, decisions and in my whole personality, which would be an irreparable mistake in terms of the task I have undertaken in accordance with the order of my conscience. Gentlemen, history has proven incontrovertibly that a leader with unwavering ability and power is essential for success in major causes. At a time when all statesmen were in despair and incompetence and the whole nation was in darkness without a head, at a time when all kinds of people who say they are patriots, put forward a thousand different ways of action and opinion, and everything is upside down, through consultations, many esteemed and influential people were consulted. Is it possible to move forward in a safe and determined way, especially quickly, and finally reach the very difficult goal, believing in the need to connect? Can history show a society that has succeeded in this way? Second, the Lords; Hey, any representatives that are not far from the possibility of being established from random people who have no interest or relations with the nation, country, politics and army administration, whose successes in this field have not been seen and tried, such as a Nakshi Sheikh from Erzincan and a tribal chief from Mutki. Could he be entrusted with the situation and task in question? Wouldn't we make the mistake of deceiving the nation and ourselves when we said we would save the country and nation if it was done?

Even if it was possible to assist a delegation of this nature from behind the scenes, would this be considered a safe way? There is no doubt that what I have said, if not in those days, is now accepted as undeniable facts by the whole world today. However, I consider it a duty for the political and social moral education of future generations to state once again what I have said here, with some memories and documents from the past.

Due to the events that I will focus on from now on, as it has been up to this moment, this issue will come to light by itself. Gentlemen, at the end of the Erzurum Congress, an order dated 30 July 1919 was sent to the 15th Corps Command with the signature of a Nazim Pasha who, after Ferit Pasha, was apparently new to the Ministry of War. Since the Sublime Porte approved that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Refet Bey were immediately caught and sent to Istanbul due to their activities and actions contrary to the government's decisions, and orders were given to the officers in that region, the Corps is requested to provide the necessary assistance and inform the result.

This order was answered by the Corps Command as it deserved. I drew their attention by getting this answer to other commanders as well. The congress declaration was sent to all parts of the country and to foreign state representatives by various means. The bylaws were given to the commanders and other reliable authorities partly with a code, and it was tried to ensure that it was printed, reproduced and distributed there. This situation naturally continued for days. On this occasion, in a telegram I received from the 3rd Corps Commander Salahattin Bey in Sivas, dated 22 August 1919, it was stated: "He found the publication of the second and fourth articles of the bylaws objectionable and needed to be examined once again." The second article states that the principle of total defense and resistance is accepted.

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The fourth article is that a temporary administration can be established.

PASTE SOCIETY

While we were trying to take measures in Erzurum to ensure that the congress resolutions were understood and implemented by all parties, we were informed that a set of papers printed as the General Staff Regulations of the Patrol Society and the , General Vezaif-i Umumiye Directive of the Police Station were distributed to the entire army, commanders, officers, and everyone. Even the commanders closest to me who read this regulation, thinking that this attempt came from me, fell into many doubts and hesitations. They thought that I was trying to establish a mysterious and terrible committee while I was openly engaged in joint national activities with the congresses. True, the ringleaders of this organization and enterprises were in Istanbul; However, they were making their attempts in my name and account.

According to the general founding charter of the Karakol Society, the members of the headquarters, their numbers, meeting place and meeting methods, election procedures and assignments are kept strictly confidential. Also, anyone who reveals the slightest secret, poses a danger to the Patrol Society, or even raises a suspicion that may cause danger, is immediately executed. A "national army" is also mentioned in the General Mission Regulation, and "the commander-in-chief of this army, the grand staff, the army, corps and division commanders and staffs are elected and appointed and kept secret. They carry out their duties in secret." is read. Sirs, I immediately warned the commanders that they should never apply the provisions of these statutes and regulations and that I was investigating the source of this attempt. After my arrival in Sivas, I understood from Kara Vasÿf Bey, who came there, that he and some of his friends were doing this job. Presumably, this course of action was not correct. It was very dangerous to try to force everyone to obey the orders of an unknown center, an unknown commander-in-chief, and some unknown commanders by threatening them with execution. Indeed, distrust and fear of each other began in all the members of the army. For example, who is the unknown secret commander of any corps commander, the corps that I command? It was not far from the possibility that this secret commander would have justified delusions about when and how he would take command and what action he would take against me.

When I asked Kara Vasÿf Bey in Sivas who this secret center, the secret commander-in-chief and the secret great staff were, he replied that it was all you and your friends. This totally surprised me. Such a response would, of course, not be plausible. Because no one had ever mentioned such an organization to me, nor had I received my permission.

It cannot be claimed that sincerity can be found in the establishment of this association and the information they had to give us about it, especially after it was understood that it was trying to continue its activities under the same name, especially in Istanbul.

THE TELEGRAPH I DRAWN TO FERIT PASHA, WHO RETURNED FROM EUROPE WITHOUT ACHIEVEMENT

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It was important to discourage the Istanbul Government from hindering national initiatives in terms of the speed and convenience it would provide in success. With this thought and taking advantage of Ferit Pasha's return to Istanbul, naturally without success, in an almost insulted state, I wrote him a coded telegram on 16 August 1919. There are the following sentences in this telegram:

I appreciate the detailed reply of Monsieur Clemenceau (Klemanso) to the high personalities of His Highness the Grand Vizier, and how you returned to Istanbul in pain and sorrow when I read about the helpless ones in the last days. I cannot think of a soulful person who would not tremble at this expression, which so clearly and humiliatingly reveals the idea of sharing and destroying our homeland. Let us thank God a thousand times that our nation, with the heroic determination in its soul, will never sacrifice its life and existence, which has continued throughout history, neither to the flow of fate nor to such executioner judgments.

Now I am quite sure that you, the Grand Vizier's high personalities, do not see today's general situation, the real interests of the state and the nation with the eyes of three months ago. In the face of the high dignity of the nation, it is very sad that the governments that have been in power for the last nine months have always worn out more than each other and unfortunately, unfortunately, they have fallen into a position where they can no longer function. It is a fact that being able to make one's voice heard and have a say in the name of the destiny of the homeland and nation absolutely requires relying on the national will. In response to this nobility and seriousness in the aim of the nation working for the right to life and independence, the Istanbul Government chooses to act with hostility. This behavior, of course, causes great sadness. It is of such a nature that it can lead the nation to undesirable actions against the Istanbul Government. Let me make it very clear that the nation has the power to use any kind of will. There is no force that can prevent their attempts. The negative attempts of the Istanbul Government will not be implemented by anyone anywhere. The nation is walking towards its goal with very definite and clear steps within the framework of the program it has drawn. There can be no doubt that the real situation will be appreciated, as the Istanbul Government's preventive attempts so far have not had any effect anywhere.

It is also futile to seek a means of salvation in the way the British have shown, and the result is nothing. However, the British finally appreciated that the power resides in the nation, and believed that it would not be possible to engage in a work that would yield results with a government that had no basis and could not make any commitments on behalf of the nation, and which would not be accepted by the nation even if it did. .......... All the wishes have come together at this point so that the government should stop trying to prevent the legitimate national movement, rely on the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and should guide itself in all its attempts to the national goal.

For this, he should ensure that the Parliament, which will represent the national existence and the national will, convene as soon as possible!....

PREPARATIONS FOR SIVAS CONGRESS

Gentlemen, the work and correspondence that had begun when we were still in Amasya was continuing in order to elect representatives from all sides to the congress, which we tried to gather in Sivas, and to enable them to come to Sivas. All the commanders and many patriots were making an extraordinary effort everywhere. However, negative and unfavorable propaganda everywhere and especially the preventive measures of the Istanbul Government made it difficult.

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In some places, they did not elect representatives and gave answers that would break the morale and make everyone despair. As an example, in the cipher dated 9 August 1919 of Chief of Staff Ömer Halis Bey, on behalf of the Commander of the 20th Corps, which included information from Istanbul, the following items were considered remarkable:

1- Istanbul does not send representatives. Although he finds the jobs there suitable, he also does not want to get into a daring situation. 2 - It is impossible to send a representative from Istanbul. The people who are wanted to be sent do not act in order not to spend money in vain and not to endure the troubles of travel, as they are not sure that they will work there efficiently and successfully. (As it is known, we also invited some people with a private letter.)

While we were trying to overcome the difficulties encountered in electing and sending representatives from everywhere, a rush and excitement started in Sivas, which we chose as the safest place for the congress to convene.

Gentlemen, here, by the way, I would like to present that although I really considered Sivas a safe place in all respects, it was also prudent to take all kinds of military measures and arrangements, from near or far, on all the roads coming to Sivas while I was still in Amasya. I had counted.

CONCERNS OF THE GOVERNOR OF SIVAS

Sivas's excitement was learned as follows. At noon on 20 August, when I was invited to the head of the telegram by Sivas Governor Reÿit Pasha, a long telegram of Pasha was given. That telegram is: To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Erzurum First, I would like to ask you to forgive me for disturbing and ask about the health of their state. I am presenting and explaining below why I am disturbing you, sir. I went to Sivas yesterday morning to return the visits of the French officers who had come to Sivas the day before Istanbul with the Jesuit priests, ostensibly to take over the French establishments and in fact to investigate the situation of these places. At the end of the visit and meeting, the Gendarmerie Inspector Monsieur Brunot (Brüno), one of the French majors present there, asked for a private meeting and took me to another room. I am quoting his words as they are:

I heard that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Congress Committee will come to Sivas and hold a congress here as well. This was said by the French officers who came from Istanbul. He said, "I am very sorry that you kept this matter from me while I had such a candid conversation with you and showed so much respect for you." Although I tried to convince him by giving the necessary answer, as a final word: "If Mustafa Kemal Pasha comes to Sivas and tries to hold a congress here, I know for sure that the decision to invade these places has been made within five to ten days. If you don't believe it, you will see it when it happens. Then you will be among those who prepared the disaster for your homeland," he said. The coded telegram I received from the cryptic telegram, although written in a different way, was of such a quality as to give the same opinion. Just as one of the newly arrived French officers had a long talk with the corps commander yesterday, trying to understand the thought of the gentleman in command about the congress, Monsieur Brunot came to me this morning at 15:00. He stated that he would discuss the congress with other French officers in ., but he wanted to meet separately because of the sincerity between them. After talking for a while, he added as a result: "I have thought about this issue a lot since yesterday. Finally, I decided that if Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Congress Delegation, Sivas If they do not incite against the Allied Powers in Congress and do not use offensive language about them,

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There is nothing wrong with convening the congress. I personally write to General Franchetd'Esperey (Franÿe Despere), have the arrest warrant for Mustafa Kemal Pasha withdrawn and order you from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to prevent the congress from being convened. However, on condition that you will not hide anything from me and we will always use open language towards each other because of our sincere friendship. However, it is necessary to learn the meeting date of the congress," he said. I also told him that I didn't know anything about it, that I would let him know when I found out, and that I wouldn't hide anything based on friendship. Despite the definite statement of the Major about the occupation yesterday, I consider it my duty to present the reason for his gentleness today to your high attention, which sees all the subtleties, and I consider it unnecessary to prolong my speech on this matter. It seems that their idea consists of gathering the esteemed congress members and you here by pretending to be willing to convene the congress in Sivas, and seizing all friends by making clandestine preparations and turning the occupation issue into a fait accompli. The encrypted telegram I received from the Ministry of Internal Affairs last night was almost the same in terms of quality, although it was written in a different way. Here I am presenting every truth to our Lord with the request to be kept secret. After that, it is up to you to determine the path to be taken. While I knew that an intrigued danger was so close and almost tangible, I could not fit in my conscience not to inform the people of the situation and therefore not to give up the congress meeting in Sivas. For this reason, I would like to ask the statesmen and other esteemed friends there that if there is no absolute need to convene a second congress, it should be abandoned. Or, if it is deemed appropriate, for the sake of the country, I would like to request a search for ways to gather in Erzincan. The Commander of the Corps, Salahattin Bey, will also write to you his thoughts on this matter through His Holiness Kazÿm Pasha. He will send a telegram to . Of course, after reading it, you would be kind enough to send it to His Holiness Hodja Raif Efendi on his return from Ilÿca. Here, sir, is the situation in this center.

I'm afraid of causing too much discomfort to your publicly known patriotism, I await your order in your reply, sir. Here is Rasim Bey's telegram. underage

I will present the answer I gave there to this telegram as it is. The next day, an attempt was made to appease and persuade the governor with a long telegram of the same nature on behalf of the Representative Committee. In addition, an indirect telegram was sent to Kadÿ Hasbi Efendi. It was written to the Corps Commander as required. I wrote to Mr. Rasim myself so that he would not be worried. To His Excellency Reÿit Pasha, Governor of Sivas 20/8/1919 Time: 13.00 I would like to thank you especially for the information you have given and your high thoughts. I counted the words of Monsieur Brunot and his friends as an intimidation purely bluff. The convening of the Sivas Congress is not a new issue; It is a world-renowned enterprise months ago. It is strange that the news sent to me by the authorized French politicians in Istanbul are ready to give written assurances in advance that the attempts being made by the nation in Anatolia are very justified and legitimate, and that if the wishes of our nation are clearly communicated to them, they will gladly accept them and fulfill their requirements. as they are. Monsieur Brunot's change of tongue and softening in the second meeting may be based on his intention to win me over. As Major Brunot said, the occupation of Sivas by the French in five days is not an easy thing. It must be remembered by your own state that the British went further in their threats on this issue and decided to take their soldiers from Batumi to Samsun. They even formed a battalion, supposedly to intimidate me. However, after it became clear to them that the nation would oppose this attempt with unwavering determination, faith and fire, they were compelled to both give up their decision and take the battalion there along with the soldiers they had landed in Samsun. It will be discussed at the Sivas Congress.

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As it can be easily understood from the articles in the Declaration of the Erzurum Congress, there is never any purpose such as provoking against the Allied Powers. Let me also present here that I am not one of the personalities who condescend to the help of the French or any foreign state. For me, the greatest place of protection and source of aid is the bosom of my nation. Having a say in the necessity of the congress, the time and the meeting place is a matter of the decision of the nation, which has a voice far above the personal judgment of me. However, as predicted, the fact that the French seemed to favor the meeting of the congress members in Sivas and later found the opportunity to seize them is a far-fetched delusion in our opinion. I see no harm in telling Monsieur Brunot exactly what I have presented. In this regard, it is informed to Monsieur Brunot and his friends that there is no way for them to hesitate in implementing the basic decisions that they announced to their political representatives in Istanbul, as well as to the whole world, with the Declaration of the Erzurum Congress, in order to defend our nation. Monsieur Brunot should know that the decision of the French to occupy Sivas depends on their decision to make a new war with new forces and large sums of money, which may cost them dearly. It cannot be assumed that such a decision would be accepted by the French nation, even if it was discussed between the Gendarmerie Major, Monsieur Brunot, and his friends.

I read the telegram of Deputy Rasim Bey to Raif Efendi. I ask him to be informed that there is no place to be afraid. I will present both the information and thoughts you have given me and Rasim Bey's telegram to the Committee of Representatives as they are, but the final decision on the Sivas Congress will only be determined at the end of the meetings of the Committee of Representatives. The decision to be taken will of course be presented to your high personality. My only request for today is to prevent the spread of Brunot's threats among the people and the deterioration of spirituality. I request you to accept my sincere respects and convey my greetings to Mr. Salahattin and Refet. His Excellency the Reverend Pasha. Mustafa Kemal (This is the Second Telegram Received from Reÿit Pasha on the Answer Given)

By presenting to the Prophet as much as I can understand from you, I am fulfilling my conscientious duty. I am right in not being able to estimate the views of the French military and politicians in Istanbul and the extent to which the promises they made against their own state can be trusted. Since the salvation of the homeland is at stake in terms of your undoubted patriotism, it is up to the Lord and the honorable members of the high congress delegation to determine the path that must be followed with careful thought. I offer my deepest regards, sir, with the offer that we will carry out your orders.

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Sirs, in order to enlighten the people around Diyarbakÿr and Bitlis, when I was there as the army commander, I wrote private letters to some notables, some of whom I knew personally.

NEED TO LEAVE FROM ERZURUM

Finally, Efendiler, in August, it was understood that some representatives from all over had set out for Sivas and started to come partially to Sivas. The representatives who came to Sivas began to ask when we would move to Sivas. Now it was necessary to leave Erzurum. However, it has been understood from the information I have given so far that the Sivas Congress aimed to ensure the unity of Eastern and Western provinces and Thrace, that is, a whole country. For this reason, it was necessary to have representatives of the Eastern provinces in the congress. It

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Attempting to elect representatives from the provinces for the Sivas Congress was an invaluable idea in terms of its implementation. It was understood that it would not be possible to attempt to send the representatives who held the Erzurum Congress to Sivas. In any case, these representatives, who were authorized from their own provinces on behalf of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, did not have the authority towards a more general purpose. In this respect, it was clear that the Erzurum Congress would not be authorized to send a delegation to the Sivas Congress on behalf of the electoral districts in the East. Just as it was practically useless to attempt re-election, it was equally useless to be stuck within the framework of some theoretical idea. The simplest and easiest way is to bring the Representative Committee of the Vilâyât-ÿ ÿarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti to Sivas and attend the congress. From the members, I knew that the Mutki tribal chief was afraid of going out of the Mutki mountains. Siirt deputy Sadullah Bey is also absent. As soon as the congress was over, Servet and ÿzzet Bey went to Trabzon with an excuse. There are Rauf Bey and Raif Efendi in Erzurum. Raif Efendi also apologizes. On our way, we will be able to find Sheikh Fevzi Efendi in Erzincan. I invited Servet and ÿzzet Bey, they did not come. We asked Raif Efendi to come with us, and he accepted.

Finally, as members of the Representative Committee, we became three people from Erzurum, one person from Erzincan, and Bekir Sami Bey, whom I found in Sivas, and five people. When there was a need to examine the cards in the hands of the representatives who attended the Sivas Congress, I prepared a document there and pressed the seal of the Hey'eti Temsiliye. "From Hey'et-i Temsiliye: Mustafa Kemal Pasha Mr. Rauf Raif Efendi from the Ulema Sheikh Fevzi Efendi Mr. Bekir Sami The persons whose names are written above were assigned by the Erzurum Congress to attend the Sivas Congress on behalf of Eastern Anatolia. (seal) Gentlemen, the date we left Erzurum is 29 August 1919.

ON THE ROAD TO SIVAS

On the way from Amasya to Erzurum, you can remember the incident in Sivas, which is the subject of a small story. Strangely enough, we encountered a similar situation on our way from Erzurum to Sivas.

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On the morning of the day we set off from Erzincan to the west, as soon as we arrived at the entrance of the Erzincan Strait, we saw some Gendarmerie soldiers and officers stopping our cars in excitement and haste.

They explained the situation: "The Kurds of Dersim 'settled the throat. There is a danger. It cannot be crossed.'"

An officer wrote to send a force to the center. When that force came, it would take gear, attack and clear the way by repelling the bandit. All right, but what's the strength of this bandit? How did you hold it? How much strength and when will it come?

Until these problems are resolved, it is necessary to go back to Erzincan and wait for who knows how many days. Our job was too rushed. If I traveled the road between Erzurum and Sivas at a certain time and couldn't be in Sivas on the appointed day, if it was heard that I was afraid here or there for one reason or another, in Sivas and elsewhere, panic might begin and things might turn upside down. So the decision? Take the risk and move on. We had no other choice. I just found it appropriate to take a small precaution. Some of our devoted friends armed with submachine guns - Osman Bey, now a regimental commander, became known as Tufan Bey. Chief among them was - we put a car in front of our own car. Ignoring the long distance fires coming from the right and left, the cars will continue to advance on the road at a fast pace. If anyone is shot or killed, they will not be dealt with... If a bandit is found on or near the road, we will all jump out of the cars and open the way by attacking them. The rest will continue their journey by getting into reusable cars and speeding away... That was the order given. . . There may be those who do not see this measure and the movement in this supply as appropriate and safe. Although it was known that the Governor of Elâzÿÿ, Ali Galip Bey, was wandering around Dersim and engaged in some propaganda and schemes at that time, let me explain that at first I did not believe that the throat was really occupied. I accepted this as a plan devised by some who I presumed would serve the Istanbul Government, simply to compel me to return. Secondly, if the Kurds of Dersim had held the strait, I think it was very likely that the arrangement they could have would have consisted of firing on the road from distant hills.

In summary, we walked, crossed the strait and arrived in Sivas on September 2, 1919. We were greeted with large and bright demonstrations of the people, which started far from the city. Salahattin Bey, the Commander of the 3rd Corps, was in Sivas. Together with the Governor Pasha, they worked perfectly in the placement of the representatives coming to the congress, in the preparation of the high school building for the Delegation of Representatives and the hall where the congress will be held, and also in taking all kinds of measures, giving an example of hospitality. Refet Bey was not there. No one knew where he was either. According to our circular dated July 7, 1919, he should not leave the 3rd Corps region, which is his own region, and it would be appropriate to be there, especially on the days when the congress would be held in Sivas. At the end of the communication, it was understood that he was in Ankara. In Ankara, I ordered the Corps Commander Ali Fuat Pasha to be "immediately and definitely sent to Sivas". He arrived on September 7 and was presented to the Congress Committee by me as a member of the Representative Committee. Gentlemen, the representatives who had come before us, while awaiting our arrival, held meetings among themselves and drafted some plans as preparations.

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After our arrival, some private meetings and interviews were held. This time, some decisions were also made. Let me explain this point, as it is very characteristic:

SÿVAS CONGRESS IS OPENING

Sivas Congress opened at 14.00 on the 4th Thursday of September 1919. Husrev Sami Bey, who was among the representatives before noon and whom I have known personally for a long time, came to me and brought the following news: Rauf Bey and some other people had a private meeting at Bekir Sami Bey's house and they decided not to make me president. I never thought it possible for your friends, especially Rauf Bey, to engage in such behavior. I must confess to Husrev Sami Bey, a little seriously, that I warned him not to bring such meaningless words to me. I added that there is no possibility or possibility of being the original of the news he gave, and that it is not right to make words that could lead to misunderstandings among friends.

Gentlemen, I did not attach importance to the issue of the presidency in this congress. I thought maybe it would be appropriate to bring an elderly person to the presidency. For this purpose, I also sent some of your friends' thoughts. By the way, before I entered the congress hall, I came across Mr. Rauf in the corridor. Who should we make president? I said. Rauf Bey, with an almost excited voice, with an attitude that can be understood at the moment he was already prepared to say, and with a sharp language: You should not be the president. said. I immediately believed the truth of the news given by Husrev Sami Bey, and I was saddened. However, there were those who saw my presidency as objectionable in the Erzurum Congress. But I mentioned what kind of people they are. This time, it made me think that my closest friends revealed the same mentality. I said to Rauf Bey: I understand, you are informing me of the decision you made at Bekir Sami Bey's house, and without waiting for his answer, I walked away from him and entered the congress hall. After the opening of the congress, we listened to the following speech of a high person who took the first floor, which was recorded in the congress memorandum:

- Sir, now, of course, there will be the matter of the presidency. I propose that the presidency be held sequentially for one day or one week, and to follow the alphabet order based on the initials of the members or the represented province and sanjak names. Sirs, it is a strange coincidence that the name of the province represented by this bidder started with elif (A), and the first letter of her own name began with (A). After I opened the congress by making a speech in the capacity of the invitee, I was in the presidency temporarily. - Why is this needed, sir? I asked. The bidder said: In this way, the person will not be involved in the business, and since the principle of equality is followed, it will have a positive effect on the outside. Gentlemen, while I, my best friends, were trying to bring the attempts that I believe to be the solution to salvation, despite endless difficulties and obstacles, to a conclusion with all my material and spiritual existence, considering that the country, the bidder, the whole nation and all of us are in a catastrophe, just yesterday. They talk to me about personality in the language of an old person who came from Turkey and who, of course, does not know the inside of the business and whom I respect. I voted this offer. Mostly they refused. I made the election of the president by secret ballot. Against three negative votes, they elected me president.

WORKS OF SÿVAS CONGRESS

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The agenda of the Sivas Congress would be formed by the statutes and declaration texts of the Erzurum Congress and a memorandum prepared by some twenty-five members who had come to Sivas before us. With the first opening day of September 4, the fifth and the sixth days, namely three days, since it is necessary to take an oath to prove that we are not Unionists, by preparing an oath formula, writing a letter to be presented to the Sultan, responding to the telegrams coming due to the opening of the congress, and especially, will the congress deal with politics? It passed with the discussion of whether he will not deal with it. Isn't it surprising to discuss this last issue, when the current struggle and the work done are nothing but politics?

Finally, on the fourth day of the Congress, we came to the main purpose and on the same day, we discussed the text of the Erzurum Congress Regulation and concluded it immediately. Because we had already prepared the necessary changes in the Statute of the Erzurum Congress and enlightened the people who needed it.

However, since the changes made some objections, disagreements, many correspondences and discussions afterwards, I will point out the important points that were changed: 1- The name of the association was the Eastern Anatolia Defense of Rights Society. It became the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association.

2 - Instead of representing the whole of Eastern Anatolia, it was said that the Representative Committee represents the whole country. Six more people have been added to existing members. 3- Since we will consider all kinds of invasions and interventions to be dependent on the aim of establishing Greekness and Armenianness, the principle of total defense and resistance has been accepted, instead it has been said that the principle of total defense and resistance has been accepted in the rejection of all kinds of occupation and intervention, especially in the refusal of activities aimed at establishing Greekness and Armenianness.

Of course, there is a big difference in meaning between these two sentences. In the first, there is no mention of hostility and resistance against the Allied Powers. In the second, this point becomes clear. 4 - The subject in the fourth article of the by-law was quite controversial. The item was: If it is understood that the Ottoman Government had to leave these places (ie the Eastern provinces) and not be interested in the pressure of foreign states, the determination and determination of the administrative, political and military measures to be taken, that is, the issue of establishing a temporary mandate.

In this article of the Sivas Congress Statute, a broader and general clause was put in place of leaving any part of our country and not taking care of it.

PROPAGANDAS FOR THE AMERICAN MANDATORY Propaganda

After that, the memorandum that I mentioned at the September 8 meeting was discussed. In this memorandum, the main focus was on the American mandate. In those days, some people from Istanbul brought an American journalist named Mistez Brown (Bravn) to Sivas.

Before giving place to the discussions in the congress on this subject, let me provide some preliminary information in order to enlighten your high committee sufficiently. Since this information is better understood from some communications that started since Erzurum, I will present them as they are:

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Security related and very urgent Amasya, 25/26.7.1919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate in Erzurum 1- Special for Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Today, on the evening of 25 July 1919, Bekir Sami Bey came to Amasya. I had the honor of meeting with them for a long time. They pay their respects to Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey. He asked me to present his thoughts below.

2 - Independence, of course, is desired and preferred. However, it is certain and undoubted that the homeland will be divided into many parts if we want full independence. In that case, the protection (mandatery) of a foreign state that will guarantee the integrity of our homeland would of course be preferred to the independence, which would consist of encompassing two or three provinces. I consider requesting the American mandate for a certain period of time as the most beneficial solution for our nation, provided that our legitimacy that encompasses the entire Ottoman country and our right of representation abroad continue as before. I talked to the US representative about this. He said that the voice of a whole nation, not a few, should be heard in America, and offered to apply to Wilson, the Senate and the American Congress under the following conditions:

a) Establishment of a just government, b) dissemination and generalization of education and training, c) Ensuring freedom of religion and sect, d) Abolition of secret agreements e) The American Government's acceptance of taking us under its command, including the entire Ottoman country.

3 - In addition, it has been taken on the representative to send a delegation to be chosen by our congress with an armored vehicle to the United States. 4 - Since Bekir Sami Bey will stay here for a day or two, he is requesting that all orders and instructions be sent through me, especially when the Sivas Congress will be convened and where it would be appropriate for them to wait until that day. Deputy Commander of the 5th Caucasian Division Arif

Password Urgent and personal Erzurum To the 5th Division Command in Amasya 1Special to the former Governor Bekir Sami Bey, who is now in Amasya: We have benefited greatly from the telegram of His Excellency. It is in the position of an authorized delegation formed from well-known people. In this congress, in the negotiations so far, the indivisibility of the independence of the state and the nation has been insistently defended. In this respect, since it would be very objectionable for us to directly mention an American mandate, whose conditions and nature are still uncertain, in the congress, we particularly request you to clarify the following points and to enlighten us immediately, based on the meetings your personalities had with the people they had contact with in Istanbul. Since the information on this subject, which came directly from Istanbul before this, was considered suspicious, an explanation was requested within the framework of the same principles, and since there were suspicious points in the information received from Istanbul through Refet Bey in Sivas on 21 July 1919, a short explanation was requested from there on the conditions. .

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a) If full independence is desired, it is certain and undoubted that the homeland will be divided into many parts. What is the source of this opinion? b) Is the purpose of the unity of the homeland, the unity of the country or the rights of sovereignty? c) You accept demanding mandate as the most beneficial solution, provided that our legitimacy covering the entire Ottoman country and our right to be represented abroad continue as before. If it continues, the government will consist of a delegation that has the confidence and control of the legislature that America can no longer interfere and influence in the establishment of this committee. In this case, either legitimacy will continue and there is no need to ask America to establish a just government. Or, as one wishes, the continuation of legitimacy remains only words.

d) What is the purpose of spreading and generalizing education and training? The first thing that comes to our mind is the opening of American schools all over the country. Because they have already opened about twenty-five schools in Sivas alone, only one of them has about fifteen hundred Armenian students. In the face of this situation, how is this attempt to be reconciled with the spread and generalization of Ottoman and Islam and teaching and education? e) Ensuring freedom of religion and denomination is also important. What is the difference and meaning of this while the privileges of the patriarchates continue? f) What are the borders of the whole Ottoman country that the representative mentioned as the fifth article? So is it our borders before the war? If Syria and Iraq are included in this phrase, can the Anatolian people have the right and authority to demand mandate on behalf of Arabia? g) What is the current government's policy? Why did Tevfik Pasha go to London? It is understood that the British, like the Americans, also pursued a policy of mandate. What is the difference between them? What does the government think about the American mandate? So is he prone to it or reluctant? Why did the Americans abandon the Armenian mandate? To what extent are Americans inclined and willing to take the buffalo? 2 - The convening of the Sivas Congress depends on the outcome of the Erzurum Congress. This is dealt with separately. We offer our respect.

Mustafa Kemal Security related Amasya, 30.7.1919 Urgent

To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate 1- Special for Mustafa Kemal Pasha; The answer received from Bekir Sami is presented below: a) It has been decided by the Committee of Four that if full independence is desired, the homeland will be divided into many regions and we will be subject to several mandates. In this respect and to prevent this, the American representative said that it would be most appropriate to ask for a mandate. b) There are only sovereignty rights; The protection of our country's integrity is the basic principle. c) We will not seek any form of government from America. We will assure America that we will establish a just government. The provisions of our Constitution remain in force, and all the ruling rights of the Dynasty remain intact and protected, as before.

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We will ask the American Government to assist our happiness and development, provided we have representatives abroad. This is the buffalo shape we want. d) The purpose of the spread and generalization of education and training is not to allow American schools to enter our villages, but to ask for their help while promising them that we will try to spread and generalize national and Islamic education and training. We want to give the mandate to the American Government, not to the American missionaries.

e) Freedom of religion and sect is essentially a requirement of our religious and Islamic principles; since the American public is unaware of this fact, we want to reassure them on this matter. The borders mentioned by the representative are our borders before the war. Whether we have the authority to demand mandate over Syria and other countries is a problem to be resolved by the congress. In fact, American delegations in Syria and Iraq applied to popular vote. Although they wanted an independent Arab government to be established in Syria and Palestine, they showed that they favored the American mandate over the others. f) Since the current government has just been formed, its policy is not clear. However, the policies of previous governments were powerlessness and submission to every order of the Entente forces. Tevfik Pasha did not go to London and returned with Ferit Pasha. The United States is of the opinion that there is no financial possibility for the establishment of a great Armenia, according to the reports given by the delegations traveling there alone without the Armenian government being known. A detailed report on the Mandate is about to be sent by mail.

g) For now, I will be in Tokat to await your notification. I make necessary notifications in Amasya, Tokat and districts and I hope that these will give good results. My respects to all of you, sir.

5th Division Commander Arif password Erzurum, 1.8.1919 Personal This telegram to the 5th Division Command in Amasya is requested to be sent immediately to Bekir Sami Bey and his answer be taken immediately.

Special to Bekir Sami Bey: Reference: 3.7.1919.

We learned about your latest statements about the American buffalo. According to these conditions, there should be nothing to be afraid of. However, we would like to get your high opinion on one more point. What kind of benefits and interests would the American Government, which will be inclined to put forward such favorable conditions in our favor, in return for accepting such a mandate, that is, enduring it? What is the result they will achieve on their own account with this? We expect you to enlighten us with your high thoughts and knowledge on this matter, sir.

Mustafa Kemal Amasya, 3.8.l919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate The answer received from Bekir Sami is presented below:

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Special to Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Since the negotiations with the Americans so far have always been private in nature and have been purely conjecture, the conditions imposed on both sides by the mandates have not been emphasized. If possible, I would like to summarize the necessity of opening the Sivas Congress as soon as possible by starting the preparations. Staff Lieutenant Colonel Arif

To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha Dear Sir,

The political situation of the country has reached its final stage. The time for the Turkish nation to roll the dice and take a positive position is about to pass in order to set a direction for ourselves. The external situation looks like this in Istanbul: Although France, Italy, England have officially proposed the mandate of Turkey to the American Senate, they are using all their strength to prevent the Senate from accepting this proposal. Of course, missing a share from Taksim does not work for them.

Unable to find what it is looking for in Syria, France wants to cover its losses from Turkey. Since Italy is an honest imperialist, he openly says that he entered the war only to have a share in the division of Anatolia. England's game is a little more subtle. England does not want the Turks to be united, to modernize, to gain real independence, even in the future. With new possibilities and views, a completely modern and strong Muslim-Turkish government, if there is a caliphate at the head, will set a bad example for the Muslim captives in the hands of England. If England could take over Turkey completely, it would cut off its head and make it a loyal colony in a few years. In our country, especially the religious classes are already in favor of this. But since it would not be possible to do this without fighting with France, it cannot be a supporter. However, if it is necessary to protect Turkey as a whole, that is, if it realizes that the partition can be made with great military sacrifices, it holds and supports the American view in order not to bring the Latins in. Indeed, there are those among the British politicians who are already inclined to this view. Famous people like Morrison (Morison) want America to establish a mandate in Turkey. Another solution is to leave Turkey with its old Capitulations and its internal borders doomed to drown, after depriving Turkey of Thrace, Izmir, Adana, perhaps Trabzon, and especially Istanbul.

We, in Istanbul, see for ourselves a temporary American mandate to include all the old and new Turkish borders as a kahven-i sher. The points we rely on are: 1- Christian minorities will remain among us, no matter what the circumstances. They will both benefit from their right to be Ottoman citizens and create confusion by relying on a European state outside, they will constantly interfere, and we will lose a little more every year on behalf of minorities from our independence, which is already a show.

In order for a strong government and a modern administration to be established, the constant threats of the patriarchate by political privilege and by minorities through strong states should be eliminated. A small and weak Turkey will not be able to achieve this. 2 - Instead of this understanding of government that destroys each other and satisfies the greed of those who live for profit, theft, adventure and fame, we need a government understanding and practice that can ensure the welfare and development of the nation and transform its people and villages into a modern people with their health and mentality. We don't have the money, expertise and power to do this. political foreign

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debts increase political bondage. Other than taking sides, ignorance, and talking too much, we can't create a new life with positive results. Even if the current government does not appreciate its people, America, which has turned a wild country like the Philippines, which sees the people and the establishment of a people's government as beneficial, into a modern machine capable of self-government, is very useful in this regard. Only the talent of the new world can create a new Turkey after fifteen or twenty years of suffering, a Turkey that has real independence in its head and in its pocket, with each individual education and mentality. 3 - We need a helper who can take the rivalries and forces of foreign states away from our country. We can only find this outside Europe and in a stronger hand than Europe.

4 - In order to eliminate today's fait accompli and to defend our cause quickly against the world, it is necessary to seek the help of a state with the necessary power. If we can come up with America as such a proxy against the many paths and despicable policies of Europe, which has a policy of expansion, we will have resolved both the Eastern Question and the Turkish Question for the future ourselves.

For these reasons, the American mandate, which we should request as soon as possible, is of course not without objections. We have to sacrifice a lot of our dignity. However, there is no religious bias and partiality in America's official character, as some people think. The America of missionary women who will give money to Christians does not have a place in America's governing mechanism. America's governing mechanism is irreligious and nationalistic. He knows the way to keep people of all races and creeds together in a very harmonious and cohesive way. America does not intend to mandate in the East and cause trouble in Europe. But what they do as a matter of honor is to claim to be a nation superior to Europe with their methods and ideals. If a nation sincerely appeals to the American nation, they want to show Europe how they have established an administration for the benefit of the country and nation they have entered. There was a very favorable atmosphere among the important figures of the American official gatherings. Many notable Americans who came to Istanbul as Armenian friends returned as Turkish friends and Turkish propagandists. The secret idea underlying the official and unofficial American view that represents this movement is this: to bind Turkey to a general and single mandate, provided that it does not break up, but preserves it as a whole within its former borders. Syria demanded America by convening a general congress while the American Commission was there. This request of Syria was very well received in America. America does not seem to intend to establish Armenia on our land. I have heard from important circles that if they get the mandate, they will accept all nations as a homeland under equal conditions.

However, Europe definitely wants to raise an Armenian issue - especially England - to make concessions to the Armenians. He is trying to play a game on behalf of the persecuted Armenians in the American public. Fear of Europe makes our intellectuals think. Our diplomats, such as Reÿat Hikmet Bey, Cami Bey, and even shaping the national unity, have suggestions for a solution for the Armenian issue. It is written to you.

We are going through very dangerous times. There is an America that watches the struggle in Anatolia with care and love. The government and the British are trying to make America adopt the idea that this is a movement to kill Christians and bring in Unionists. It is planned to send forces to stop this National Struggle at any moment; they are trying to deceive the British for this. If the National Struggle reveals itself quickly and with positive demands, and

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Again, very important circles guarantee that if it does not have a color like hostility to Christianity, it will find support in America immediately. We are trying to detain the American commission until the Sivas Congress convenes. We may even succeed in sending an American journalist to the congress. In the face of all this, we consider ourselves compelled to apply to America in the face of fear of division and dissolution, without losing this opportunity, in order to help us in our case.

Maybe one or two broad-minded people with determination and will can save Turkey. The era of adventure and struggle has passed. We have to wage a war of development and unity for the future. How many martyrs does our poor country have in the war of thought and civilization, whose children died on its borders? We want Turkey's good sons to be the founders of tomorrow. We expect you, together with our brother Rauf, to see far and work for our poor country whose foundations have collapsed.

I send my regards and pray for your success. With the humility of a simple Turkish soldier, I express that I am with you among those who work hard for the national cause. 10.8.1919 Halide Edip Afyonkarahisar 13.8.1969 to the 15th Corps Command Special to Mustafa Kemal Pasha: The decisions taken by the various parties in Istanbul to be given to the American delegation are presented below: 1- They are of the opinion that the Turks in the eastern provinces and the elders in the eastern provinces and the elders who work there can consent to give a piece of land for Armenia on the eastern borders of Turkey that will benefit the Armenians, considering the future prosperity and free development of this region, only that they have cooperated with the Kurds there and He found that the Kurds also did not want to reveal it because they were absolutely against the idea of giving land to the Armenians, and even if they did, they thought that the Turkish majority there would not leave the Kurds unless they were assured that the following conditions would be fulfilled. Namely, the first is the integrity of the lands inhabited by the Turkish and Kurdish majority and other minorities among them; secondly, the full recognition and de facto guarantee of Turkish independence; thirdly, to enable Turkey to enjoy its independence and rights in the safest way, as promised in Wilson's principles, by removing the records that hinder its free development in order to reach modern civilization; fourth, that the United States will assist us in these matters and in accelerating the development of the Turks, against the Association of Akvam.

2 - America's assistance to ensure that the Turks and Kurds, who will be removed from the lands to be evacuated, are immediately resettled in the new lands they were sent to and that they can immediately benefit from these lands. 3 - Ensuring the deportation of the Armenians, who were concentrated in that area and especially between Erzincan and Sivas, to the borders of Armenia. 4 - The concession of land, which we consider likely to take place on behalf of and on behalf of Armenia, will not be on behalf of an independent Armenia, but on behalf of a modern state that will develop under the mandate of a large and civilized state. Because leaving land to today's Armenia means creating a second Macedonian problem for Turkey, as well as causing trouble for the Caucasus.

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5 - All this is a debatable "offer". However, if they can take a definite shape depends on contacting the delegations in the country, it is imperative that one of the American delegations be sent there.

6 - And finally, it is natural that the issue should be taken to the Ottoman National Assembly in order to put it into a legal and legitimate form. 12th Corps Commander

Salahaddin Password Erzurum, 21.8.1919 Personal 12th Corps Command to 20th Corps Command (12th Corps only). Reference: 13.8.1919. The decisions taken by various parties to be given to the American Commission in Istanbul were met with great sadness and regret by our Representative Committee. Because, in the first article, it is in question to give land to Armenia from our eastern provinces. However, far from the fact that even an inch of land from these provinces, which are overwhelmingly Turkish and Kurdish, cannot be written for the Armenians in practice today, the horror and violence of hatred and vengeance among the elements makes it dangerous for the Ottoman Armenians to be settled in the provinces intensively, even if they return. In this respect, the greatest convenience to be shown to the non-criminal Ottoman Armenians will be nothing but accepting their return to their homeland under fair and equal conditions. In the third article, the illusion that there was a dense Armenian community between Erzurum and Sivas is nothing but ignorance and ignorance: Even before the war, the majority of the inhabitants were Turks, some of them Kurds, some of whom were called Zazas, and a few Armenians. Today, there are no more Armenians whose existence can be mentioned. So, such associations should know their authority and if they want to do something, they should at least not hesitate to refer to the official statistics and graphs made by the Ministry of War and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for peace preparations. We request that this telegram be sent exactly to Istanbul.

Mustafa Kemal Regarding security Ankara, 14.8.1919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate 1- To Mustafa Kemal Pasha (private): Your last replies, which you wrote to be sent to Istanbul, were sent to the place and in response to this, with a printed report, Ahmet Rÿza Bey, Ahmet ÿzzet, Cevat, Çürüksulu Long letters containing the views of Kara Vasÿf, that is, Cengiz and Halide Edip Hanÿm, were received, which were in line with the thoughts of many personalities such as Mahmut Pashas, Reÿat Hikmet, Mosque, Reÿit Sadi Beys, Esat Pashas. These will be summarized and presented in order, and the originals will be sent to Sivas. In all of these, a justification is put forward that there is a need for help and that this aid is accepted as the least harmful way and is found appropriate by the United States. The printed report was prepared according to the opinion of the majority after examining the opinions of Cami, Rauf, Ahmet, Reÿit Hikmet, Reÿit Sadi Beys and Halide Hanÿm, Kara Vasÿf, Esat Pasha, all parties and associations. There is time. It was necessary to work in the congress as soon as possible and to be notified before the Americans left. It was trying to delay the movements of the Americans by stalling them. Can Congress make a final decision immediately? Americans make them feel that they have adopted this thought. You are requested to speed up the meeting of the Congress.

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20th Corps Commander

Ali Fuat The long letters mentioned in this telegram were given in ciphers that occupied the wires for days. One of those passwords attached to each other was: security related Personalized Ankara, 17.8.1919 To Kazÿm Bey, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate, To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha(private):

Additional information given by Kara Vasÿf about Article 10: 1- If we support America in the form of aid and the Eastern Provinces Congress, the National Congress, informs our government by telegram as a request, Wilson will have a good support point against the American Congress. Many intellectuals in Istanbul are in favor of this view and they are preparing something like this. They say it would be beneficial if they do it in Anatolia. If that happens, it will be possible and easy to deal with, taking advantage of America's mandate to drive other vile enemies out of our country and then meet only the Americans. And the Americans are accusing us of violence. In other words, they humiliate the government and despise our nation. Their representatives' departure from Istanbul, their departure to Paris, their memorandum....then they say that you accept that Europe did not dare to do it. For example, Europe is not considering the establishment of a great Armenia. Your grand vizier gives the border from Taurus, wants Armenia. Yet, until now, none of the American commissions even said it could happen. According to all reports, it is not possible to establish even autonomous and regional administrations in Anatolia, let alone an Armenia in Turkey. They have no population, no land. This administration is indispensable if it is not based on a formidable military force. Armenians cannot have this power, America cannot make this grace. Other states cannot tolerate it either. It turns out that they can conquer those places and make peace. That is not possible either. Competition prevents this. Here is the news of Istanbul. Consider it there: There is plenty of time. The American Congress is almost about to listen to Wilson.

2 - There are large-scale contacts in Istanbul. Does Mustafa Kemal Pasha give a general order for him? Or does it adopt the decisions and works of Istanbul? The aim of these works is the unity of the nation, the unity of the homeland, the achievement of independence and sovereignty! If Mustafa Kemal Pasha does not give a general order here and he does not immediately contact the Americans, British and other foreigners, of course, the activity will continue here. Maybe; the opposite result may occur. I draw attention to this. Relying on the struggle and strength of a Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who carries out this role much better in politics, has been refuted by his words, statements, , attitudes and actions.

3-Çolak Hüseyin Salahattin continues his hypocritical behavior. It is being thought about what to do so that this person, who is one of Sadik Bey's most favorite admirers, does not hold a position. 20th Corps Commander

Ali Fuat The answer given to Kara Vasÿf Bey was as follows: Password Erzurum, 19.8.1918 Personal and immediate

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Attention to His Excellency Ali Fuat Pasha, Commander of the 20th Corps: 17.8.1919 1- It is very important to carefully examine what kind of assistance the aforementioned American mandate will provide and to calculate whether it will be beneficial for our national cause. Since the aim of the group working in Istanbul is shown to be gathered at the point of the unity of the nation, the integrity of the homeland, the achievement of independence and sovereignty, could this aim be preserved in the case of accepting the American mandate?

2 - Since decisions that do not adhere to and do not comply with national aspirations can never be accepted by the nation, in order to fully fulfill our duty, which consists of interpreting the national conscience in determining the destiny of our nation and our homeland, we should not appear competent in any matter, without waiting for the national will to focus and focus on a single goal. it is not true. For this reason, we prefer that our contacts and relations with foreigners be made on behalf of the nation in accordance with the resolutions of the congress. Thank God, the fact that the national current in our country is developing, taking root and getting stronger constantly attracts and invites us to this point.

3 - It should also be taken into account that a government that may be authorized to agree with the United States or any other state on the destiny of the country and nation is only a government that accepts the principle of national sovereignty, adopts the existence of a national assembly and considers it necessary to rely on it. In this case, the persons who will form the Istanbul Government must also have these qualifications. As in our opinion here, your work there should be directed towards achieving this goal. 4 - You will soon learn about the congress decisions. We kiss your eyes. Mustafa Kemal Let me give you a little more information. I saw fit to meet with the journalist Mister Brown (Brovn), who had come to Sivas, in person. He is a very intelligent young man who easily understands his opponent. After that, the memorandum that I mentioned at the September 8 meeting was discussed. In this memorandum, the main focus was on the American mandate. In those days, some people from Istanbul brought an American journalist named Mistez Brown (Bravn) to Sivas.

Before giving place to the discussions in the congress on this subject, let me provide some preliminary information in order to enlighten your high committee sufficiently. Since this information is better understood from some communications that started since Erzurum, I will present them as they are: Security related and very urgent Amasya, 25/26.7.1919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate in Erzurum 1- Special for Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Today, on the evening of 25 July 1919, Bekir Sami Bey came to Amasya. I had the honor of meeting with them for a long time. They pay their respects to Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey. He asked me to present his thoughts below.

2 - Independence, of course, is desired and preferred. However, it is certain and undoubted that the homeland will be divided into many parts if we want full independence. In that case, the protection (mandatery) of a foreign state that will guarantee the integrity of our homeland would of course be preferred to the independence, which would consist of encompassing two or three provinces. Our legitimacy, which encompasses the entire Ottoman country, and

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I accept requesting the mandate of America for a certain period of time as the most beneficial solution for our nation, provided that our right of representation abroad continues as before. I talked to the US representative about this. He said that the voice of a whole nation, not a few, should be heard in America, and offered to apply to Wilson, the Senate and the American Congress under the following conditions:

a) Establishment of a just government, b) dissemination and generalization of education and training, c) Ensuring freedom of religion and sect, d) Abolition of secret agreements e) The American Government's acceptance of taking us under its command, including the entire Ottoman country.

3 - In addition, it has been taken on the representative to send a delegation to be chosen by our congress with an armored vehicle to the United States. 4 - Since Bekir Sami Bey will stay here for a day or two, he is requesting that all orders and instructions be sent through me, especially when the Sivas Congress will be convened and where it would be appropriate for them to wait until that day. Deputy Commander of the 5th Caucasian Division Arif

Password Urgent and personal Erzurum To the 5th Division Command in Amasya 1Special to the former Governor Bekir Sami Bey, who is now in Amasya: We have benefited greatly from the telegram of His Excellency. It is in the position of an authorized delegation formed from well-known people. In this congress, in the negotiations so far, the indivisibility of the independence of the state and the nation has been insistently defended. In this respect, since it would be very objectionable for us to directly mention an American mandate, whose conditions and nature are still uncertain, in the congress, we particularly request you to clarify the following points and to enlighten us immediately, based on the meetings your personalities had with the people they had contact with in Istanbul. Since the information on this subject, which came directly from Istanbul before this, was considered suspicious, an explanation was requested within the framework of the same principles, and since there were suspicious points in the information received from Istanbul through Refet Bey in Sivas on 21 July 1919, a short explanation was requested from there on the conditions. .

a) If full independence is desired, it is certain and undoubted that the homeland will be divided into many parts. What is the source of this opinion? b) Is the purpose of the unity of the homeland, the unity of the country or the rights of sovereignty? c) You accept demanding mandate as the most beneficial solution, provided that our legitimacy covering the entire Ottoman country and our right to be represented abroad continue as before. If it continues, the government will consist of a delegation that has the confidence and control of the legislature that America can no longer interfere and influence in the establishment of this committee. In this case, either legitimacy will continue and there is no need to ask America to establish a just government. Or, as one wishes, the continuation of legitimacy remains only words.

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d) What is the purpose of spreading and generalizing education and training? The first thing that comes to our mind is the opening of American schools all over the country. Because they have already opened about twenty-five schools in Sivas alone, only one of them has about fifteen hundred Armenian students. In the face of this situation, how is this attempt to be reconciled with the spread and generalization of Ottoman and Islam and teaching and education? e) Ensuring freedom of religion and denomination is also important. What is the difference and meaning of this while the privileges of the patriarchates continue? f) What are the borders of the whole Ottoman country that the representative mentioned as the fifth article? So is it our borders before the war? If Syria and Iraq are included in this phrase, can the Anatolian people have the right and authority to demand mandate on behalf of Arabia? g) What is the current government's policy? Why did Tevfik Pasha go to London? It is understood that the British, like the Americans, also pursued a policy of mandate. What is the difference between them? What does the government think about the American mandate? So is he prone to it or reluctant? Why did the Americans abandon the Armenian mandate? To what extent are Americans inclined and willing to take the buffalo? 2 - The convening of the Sivas Congress depends on the outcome of the Erzurum Congress. This is dealt with separately. We offer our respect.

Mustafa Kemal Security related Amasya, 30.7.1919 Urgent

To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate 1- Special for Mustafa Kemal Pasha; The answer received from Bekir Sami is presented below: a) It has been decided by the Committee of Four that if full independence is desired, the homeland will be divided into many regions and we will be subject to several mandates. In this respect and to prevent this, the American representative said that it would be most appropriate to ask for a mandate. b) There are only sovereignty rights; The protection of our country's integrity is the basic principle. c) We will not seek any form of government from America. We will assure America that we will establish a just government. Provided that the provisions of our Constitution remain in effect, that all the Dynasty's rights to rule are intact and protected, and that we have representatives abroad, as in the past, we will ask the American Government to assist our happiness and progress. This is the buffalo shape we want.

d) The purpose of the spread and generalization of education and training is not to allow American schools to enter our villages, but to ask for their help while promising them that we will try to spread and generalize national and Islamic education and training. We want to give the mandate to the American Government, not to the American missionaries. e) Freedom of religion and sect is essentially a requirement of our religious and Islamic principles; since the American public is unaware of this fact, we want to reassure them on this matter. The borders mentioned by the representative are our borders before the war. Whether we have the authority to demand mandate over Syria and other countries is a problem to be resolved by the congress. In fact, American delegations in Syria and Iraq applied to popular vote. Although they wanted an independent Arab government to be established in Syria and Palestine, they showed that they favored the American mandate over the others.

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f) Since the current government has just been formed, its policy is not clear. However, the policies of previous governments were powerlessness and submission to every order of the Entente forces. Tevfik Pasha did not go to London and returned with Ferit Pasha. The United States is of the opinion that there is no financial possibility for the establishment of a great Armenia, according to the reports given by the delegations traveling there alone without the Armenian government being known. A detailed report on the Mandate is about to be sent by mail.

g) For now, I will be in Tokat to await your notification. I make necessary notifications in Amasya, Tokat and districts and I hope that these will give good results. My respects to all of you, sir.

5th Division Commander Arif password Erzurum, 1.8.1919

Personal This telegram to the 5th Division Command in Amasya is requested to be sent immediately to Bekir Sami Bey and his answer be taken immediately.

Special to Bekir Sami Bey: Reference: 3.7.1919.

We learned about your latest statements about the American buffalo. According to these conditions, there should be nothing to be afraid of. However, we would like to get your high opinion on one more point. What kind of benefits and interests would the American Government, which will be inclined to put forward such favorable conditions in our favor, in return for accepting such a mandate, that is, enduring it? What is the result they will achieve on their own account with this? We expect you to enlighten us with your high thoughts and knowledge on this matter, sir.

Mustafa Kemal Amasya, 3.8.l919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate The answer received from Bekir Sami is presented below: Special to Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Since the negotiations with the Americans so far have always been private in nature and have been purely conjecture, the conditions imposed on both sides by the mandates have not been emphasized. If possible, I would like to summarize the necessity of opening the Sivas Congress as soon as possible by starting the preparations. Staff Lieutenant Colonel Arif

To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha Dear Sir, The political situation of the country has reached its final stage. The time for the Turkish nation to roll the dice and take a positive position is about to pass in order to set a direction for ourselves. The external situation looks like this in Istanbul:

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Although France, Italy, England have officially proposed the mandate of Turkey to the American Senate, they are using all their strength to prevent the Senate from accepting this proposal. Of course, missing a share from Taksim does not work for them.

Unable to find what it is looking for in Syria, France wants to cover its losses from Turkey. Since Italy is an honest imperialist, he openly says that he entered the war only to have a share in the division of Anatolia. England's game is a little more subtle. England does not want the Turks to be united, to modernize, to gain real independence, even in the future. With new possibilities and views, a completely modern and strong Muslim-Turkish government, if there is a caliphate at the head, will set a bad example for the Muslim captives in the hands of England. If England could take over Turkey completely, it would cut off its head and make it a loyal colony in a few years. In our country, especially the religious classes are already in favor of this. But since it would not be possible to do this without fighting with France, it cannot be a supporter. However, if it is necessary to protect Turkey as a whole, that is, if it realizes that the partition can be made with great military sacrifices, it holds and supports the American view in order not to bring the Latins in. Indeed, there are those among the British politicians who are already inclined to this view. Famous people like Morrison (Morison) want America to establish a mandate in Turkey. Another solution is to leave Turkey with its old Capitulations and its internal borders doomed to drown, after depriving Turkey of Thrace, Izmir, Adana, perhaps Trabzon, and especially Istanbul.

We, in Istanbul, see for ourselves a temporary American mandate to include all the old and new Turkish borders as a kahven-i sher. The points we rely on are: 1- Christian minorities will remain among us, no matter what the circumstances. They will both benefit from their right to be Ottoman citizens and create confusion by relying on a European state outside, they will constantly interfere, and we will lose a little more every year on behalf of minorities from our independence, which is already a show.

In order for a strong government and a modern administration to be established, the constant threats of the patriarchate by political privilege and by minorities through strong states should be eliminated. A small and weak Turkey will not be able to achieve this. 2 - Instead of this understanding of government that destroys each other and satisfies the greed of those who live for profit, theft, adventure and fame, we need a government understanding and practice that can ensure the welfare and development of the nation and transform its people and villages into a modern people with their health and mentality. We don't have the money, expertise and power to do this. Political foreign debts increase political bondage. Other than taking sides, ignorance, and talking too much, we can't create a new life with positive results. Even if the current government does not appreciate its people, America, which has turned a wild country like the Philippines, which sees the people and the establishment of a people's government as beneficial, into a modern machine capable of self-government, is very useful in this regard. Only the talent of the new world can create a new Turkey after fifteen or twenty years of suffering, a Turkey that has real independence in its head and in its pocket, with each individual education and mentality. 3 - We need a helper who can take the rivalries and forces of foreign states away from our country. We can only find this outside Europe and in a stronger hand than Europe.

4 - In order to eliminate today's fait accompli and to defend our cause quickly against the world, it is necessary to seek the help of a state with the necessary power. Europe's policy of expansion

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If we can raise America as such a proxy against the thousand-and-one ways and despicable policy it has resorted to by winning ourselves over, we will have resolved both the Eastern Question and the Turkish Question ourselves for the future. For these reasons, the American mandate, which we should request as soon as possible, is of course not without objections. We have to sacrifice a lot of our dignity. However, there is no religious bias and partiality in America's official character, as some people think. The America of missionary women who will give money to Christians does not have a place in America's governing mechanism. America's governing mechanism is irreligious and nationalistic. He knows the way to keep people of all races and creeds together in a very harmonious and cohesive way. America does not intend to mandate in the East and cause trouble in Europe. But what they do as a matter of honor is to claim to be a nation superior to Europe with their methods and ideals. If a nation sincerely appeals to the American nation, they want to show Europe how they have established an administration for the benefit of the country and nation they have entered. There was a very favorable atmosphere among the important figures of the American official gatherings. Many notable Americans who came to Istanbul as Armenian friends returned as Turkish friends and Turkish propagandists. The secret idea underlying the official and unofficial American view that represents this movement is this: to bind Turkey to a general and single mandate, provided that it does not break up, but preserves it as a whole within its former borders. Syria demanded America by convening a general congress while the American Commission was there. This request of Syria was very well received in America. America does not seem to intend to establish Armenia on our land. I have heard from important circles that if they get the mandate, they will accept all nations as a homeland under equal conditions.

However, Europe definitely wants to raise an Armenian issue - especially England - to make concessions to the Armenians. He is trying to play a game on behalf of the persecuted Armenians in the American public. Fear of Europe makes our intellectuals think. Our diplomats, such as Reÿat Hikmet Bey, Cami Bey, and even shaping the national unity, have suggestions for a solution for the Armenian issue. It is written to you.

We are going through very dangerous times. There is an America that watches the struggle in Anatolia with care and love. The government and the British are trying to make America adopt the idea that this is a movement to kill Christians and bring in Unionists. It is planned to send forces to stop this National Struggle at any moment; they are trying to deceive the British for this. Again, very important circles guarantee that if the National Struggle quickly and with positive demands manifests itself and does not have a color such as anti-Christianity, it will immediately find support in America.

We are trying to detain the American commission until the Sivas Congress convenes. We may even succeed in sending an American journalist to the congress. In the face of all this, we consider ourselves compelled to apply to America in the face of fear of division and dissolution, without losing this opportunity, in order to help us in our case.

Maybe one or two broad-minded people with determination and will can save Turkey. The era of adventure and struggle has passed. We have to wage a war of development and unity for the future. How many martyrs does our poor country have in the war of thought and civilization, whose children died on its borders? We want Turkey's good sons to be the founders of tomorrow. Yours, Mr. Rauf

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Together with our brother, we expect you to think and work by seeing far away for our poor country whose foundations even collapsed. I send my regards and pray for your success. With the humility of a simple Turkish soldier, I express that I am with you among those who work hard for the national cause. 10.8.1919 Halide Edip Afyonkarahisar 13.8.1969 to the 15th Corps Command Special to Mustafa Kemal Pasha: The decisions taken by the various parties in Istanbul to be given to the American delegation are presented below: 1- They are of the opinion that the Turks in the eastern provinces and the elders in the eastern provinces and the elders who work there can consent to give a piece of land for Armenia on the eastern borders of Turkey that will benefit the Armenians, considering the future prosperity and free development of this region, only that they have cooperated with the Kurds there and He found that the Kurds also did not want to reveal it because they were absolutely against the idea of giving land to the Armenians, and even if they did, they thought that the Turkish majority there would not leave the Kurds unless they were assured that the following conditions would be fulfilled. Namely, the first is the integrity of the lands inhabited by the Turkish and Kurdish majority and other minorities among them; secondly, the full recognition and de facto guarantee of Turkish independence; thirdly, to enable Turkey to enjoy its independence and rights in the safest way, as promised in Wilson's principles, by removing the records that hinder its free development in order to reach modern civilization; fourth, that the United States will assist us in these matters and in accelerating the development of the Turks, against the Association of Akvam.

2 - America's assistance to ensure that the Turks and Kurds, who will be removed from the lands to be evacuated, are immediately resettled in the new lands they were sent to and that they can immediately benefit from these lands.

3 - Ensuring the deportation of the Armenians, who were concentrated in that area and especially between Erzincan and Sivas, to the borders of Armenia. 4 - The concession of land, which we consider likely to take place on behalf of and on behalf of Armenia, will not be on behalf of an independent Armenia, but on behalf of a modern state that will develop under the mandate of a large and civilized state. Because leaving land to today's Armenia means creating a second Macedonian problem for Turkey, as well as causing trouble for the Caucasus.

5 - All this is a debatable "offer". However, if they can take a definite shape depends on contacting the delegations in the country, it is imperative that one of the American delegations be sent there.

6 - And finally, it is natural that the issue should be taken to the Ottoman National Assembly in order to put it into a legal and legitimate form. 12th Corps Commander

Salahaddin Password Erzurum, 21.8.1919 Personal

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12th Corps Command to 20th Corps Command (12th Corps only). Reference: 13.8.1919. The decisions taken by various parties to be given to the American Commission in Istanbul were met with great sadness and regret by our Representative Committee. Because, in the first article, it is in question to give land to Armenia from our eastern provinces. However, far from the fact that even an inch of land from these provinces, which are overwhelmingly Turkish and Kurdish, cannot be written for the Armenians in practice today, the horror and violence of hatred and vengeance among the elements makes it dangerous for the Ottoman Armenians to be settled in the provinces intensively, even if they return. In this respect, the greatest convenience to be shown to the non-criminal Ottoman Armenians will be nothing but accepting their return to their homeland under fair and equal conditions. In the third article, the illusion that there was a dense Armenian community between Erzurum and Sivas is nothing but ignorance and ignorance: Even before the war, the majority of the inhabitants were Turks, some of them Kurds, some of whom were called Zazas, and a few Armenians. Today, there are no more Armenians whose existence can be mentioned. So, such associations should know their authority and if they want to do something, they should at least not hesitate to refer to the official statistics and graphs made by the Ministry of War and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for peace preparations. We request that this telegram be sent exactly to Istanbul.

Mustafa Kemal Regarding security Ankara, 14.8.1919 To the Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate 1To Mustafa Kemal Pasha (private): Your last replies, which you wrote to be sent to Istanbul, were sent to the place and in response to this, with a printed report, Ahmet Rÿza Bey, Ahmet ÿzzet, Cevat, Çürüksulu Long letters containing the views of Kara Vasÿf, that is, Cengiz and Halide Edip Hanÿm, were received, which were in line with the thoughts of many personalities such as Mahmut Pashas, Reÿat Hikmet, Mosque, Reÿit Sadi Beys, Esat Pashas. These will be summarized and presented in order, and the originals will be sent to Sivas. In all of these, a justification is put forward that there is a need for help and that this aid is accepted as the least harmful way and is found appropriate by the United States. The printed report was prepared according to the opinion of the majority after examining the opinions of Cami, Rauf, Ahmet, Reÿit Hikmet, Reÿit Sadi Beys and Halide Hanÿm, Kara Vasÿf, Esat Pasha, all parties and associations. There is time. It was necessary to work in the congress as soon as possible and to be notified before the Americans left. It was trying to delay the movements of the Americans by stalling them. Can Congress make a final decision immediately? Americans make them feel that they have adopted this thought. You are requested to speed up the meeting of the Congress.

20th Corps Commander

Ali Fuat The long letters mentioned in this telegram were given in ciphers that occupied the wires for days. One of those passwords attached to each other was: security related Personalized Ankara, 17.8.1919 To Kazÿm Bey, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Army Inspectorate, To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha(private):

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Additional information given by Kara Vasÿf about Article 10: 1- If we support America in the form of aid and the Eastern Provinces Congress, the National Congress, informs our government by telegram as a request, Wilson will have a good support point against the American Congress. Many intellectuals in Istanbul are in favor of this view and they are preparing something like this. They say it would be beneficial if they do it in Anatolia. If that happens, it will be possible and easy to deal with, taking advantage of America's mandate to drive other vile enemies out of our country and then meet only the Americans. And the Americans are accusing us of violence. In other words, they humiliate the government and despise our nation. Their representatives' departure from Istanbul, their departure to Paris, their memorandum....then they say that you accept that Europe did not dare to do it. For example, Europe is not considering the establishment of a great Armenia. Your grand vizier gives the border from Taurus, wants Armenia. Yet, until now, none of the American commissions even said it could happen. According to all reports, it is not possible to establish even autonomous and regional administrations in Anatolia, let alone an Armenia in Turkey. They have no population, no land. This administration is indispensable if it is not based on a formidable military force. Armenians cannot have this power, America cannot make this grace. Other states cannot tolerate it either. It turns out that they can conquer those places and make peace. That is not possible either. Competition prevents this. Here is the news of Istanbul. Consider it there: There is plenty of time. The American Congress is almost about to listen to Wilson.

2 - There are large-scale contacts in Istanbul. Does Mustafa Kemal Pasha give a general order for him? Or does it adopt the decisions and works of Istanbul? The aim of these works is the unity of the nation, the unity of the homeland, the achievement of independence and sovereignty! If Mustafa Kemal Pasha does not give a general order here and he does not immediately contact the Americans, British and other foreigners, of course, the activity will continue here. Maybe; the opposite result may occur. I draw attention to this. Relying on the struggle and strength of a Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who carries out this role much better in politics, has been refuted by his words, statements, attitudes and actions. ,

3-Çolak Hüseyin Salahattin continues his hypocritical behavior. It is being thought about what to do so that this person, who is one of Sadik Bey's most favorite admirers, does not hold a position. 20th Corps Commander

Ali Fuat The answer given to Kara Vasÿf Bey was as follows: Password Erzurum, 19.8.1918 Personal and immediate

Attention to His Excellency Ali Fuat Pasha, Commander of the 20th Corps: 17.8.1919 1- It is very important to carefully examine what kind of assistance the aforementioned American mandate will provide and to calculate whether it will be beneficial for our national cause. Since the aim of the group working in Istanbul is shown to be gathered at the point of the unity of the nation, the integrity of the homeland, the achievement of independence and sovereignty, could this aim be preserved in the case of accepting the American mandate?

2 - Since decisions that do not adhere to and do not comply with national wishes can never be accepted by the nation, in order to fully fulfill our duty, which consists of interpreting the national conscience in determining the destiny of our nation and homeland, we must focus on the national will.

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It is not right for us to appear authoritative in any matter without expecting it to lead to a single goal. For this reason, we prefer that our contacts and relations with foreigners be made on behalf of the nation in accordance with the resolutions of the congress. Thank God, the fact that the national current in our country is developing, taking root and getting stronger constantly attracts and invites us to this point.

3 - It should also be taken into account that a government that may be authorized to agree with the United States or any other state on the destiny of the country and nation is only a government that accepts the principle of national sovereignty, adopts the existence of a national assembly and considers it necessary to rely on it. In this case, the persons who will form the Istanbul Government must also have these qualifications. As in our opinion here, your work there should be directed towards achieving this goal. 4 - You will soon learn about the congress decisions. We kiss your eyes. Mustafa Kemal Let me give you a little more information. I saw fit to meet with the journalist Mister Brown (Brovn), who had come to Sivas, in person. He is a very intelligent young man who easily understands his opponent.

DISCUSSION OF THE MANDATORY ISSUE AT THE CONGRESS

Now, Sirs, I will try to make your high delegation listen to the debates and debates held in the Congress on the mandate as much as possible: Many people spoke. Before making any speeches to anyone, I gave the following short speech, which was exactly recorded in the minutes from the chair of the presidency: I would like to draw your attention to some points before we start discussing this report. In the report, for example, Mister Brown is mentioned and it is reported that he said that an army of fifty thousand workers would be brought. Gentlemen, Mister Brown: I am not meeting in any official capacity. He says he is meeting completely privately and even says that America will not accept the mandate, maybe not. For him, his words are not in the name of America, but in his own name. He doesn't know what a water buffalo is. He says, "Manda is whatever you say." Importantly, there is the issue of mandate in this report. Let's take a break for ten minutes before discussing this matter (15.25 o'clock).

In the next session - Vasÿf Bey has the first word, I said. Vasÿf Bey first made long explanations about what a water buffalo is. He left the floor to others. He took the floor again and said, "Let's accept the mandate as a principle, we'll see you later on the terms." One of the members, Mr. Macit, is the main issue to be discussed in the general assembly, will we be able to live alone from now on or not? How will we interpret the mandate and how will we meet with the mandate? Who will be the state that will mandate us? That is the main issue, he said. From the presidency, I think, two views emerge from this report. The first of these is that the state does not give up its independence at home and abroad; The second is whether the state and the nation need help and support in the face of harmful pressures from foreign states. This is the real point of uncertainty. If we may, let us refer this point to the Proposal Commission for further consideration. Then let us present it to your high presence. I said we probably don't want to lose our independence inside and outside. Speaking on this, Bekir Sami Bey: The task we undertake is very heavy and important. We have no time to spare for idle discussions. He said, "Let's discuss this report and take a decision immediately without wasting time." Let me explain this issue from the chair of the presidency because of being the chairman of the commission (I was also the Chairman of the Proposal Commission). The text of this report was read in the commission, many speeches and discussions were made on it. However, an opinion did not appear to make a definitive decision. more

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It was previously sent to the Proposal Commission without being read in the General Assembly. For this reason, I said that, after reading the opinion of the General Assembly, it was sent to the Proposal Commission for a final decision. ÿsmail Fazÿl Pasha took the floor and made the following speech: I agree with Bekir Sami Bey's opinion; We have no time to lose. Actually, the problem is simplified. Will we accept full independence or a mandate? This is the decision we will make. Let's not waste time bringing such an important, even very important issue back to the commission and from there to the General Assembly. The job goes on. Our time is valuable. Let's make a decision on this today, tomorrow or the next day in any case at the General Assembly. Let's not waste time on the commission. Because it is a very delicate subject. After this, Hami Bey took the floor and said that he agreed with His Excellency Ismail Pasha and Bekir Sami Bey, saying: We probably need a support, the simplest proof of this is that government revenues can only cover the interest on our debt! they ordered. After that, Raif Efendi spoke out against the mandate. ÿsmail Fazÿl Pasha gave a long speech in response to him. Afterwards, Bekir Sami Bey took the floor again and said: I will only add one thing to the speech of His Excellency Ismail Fazÿl Pasha, which I fully participated in: We came out of the Crimean War and participated in the Paris Congress, with the conditions that are known to be imposed on us by our allies, in this now read report. If our wishes are compared, it becomes clear which of them is more deprivation of independence. I guess.

After Bekir Sami Bey, Hâmi Bey and Refet Bey (Refet Pasha) spoke after Hami Bey. Refet Bey's speech was exactly as follows: While the fact that the mandate will not destroy the independence is obvious, some of our friends - will we remain independent or will we accept the mandate? They put forward some opinions such as --. For him, first of all, it should be understood what a buffalo is. However, before talking about the mandate, it is necessary to know how this idiom was understood in this report that tickled the minds. His Excellency Fazÿl Pasha mandates mandates on the condition of preserving independence. The report given by Mr. Hami is divided into two parts. There is a justification section, and after that there is a section on what a mandate is. In order to evaluate the mandate issue from the perspectives here, I would like to understand one point first. Was the text of this report submitted for discussion at the general assembly or not? ÿsmail Fazÿl Pasha : We, the three of us, Fazÿl Pasha Bekir Sami and Hami Bey, are withdrawing this report because it was misunderstood. He said that we had never been given (the draft of this report and the clearing of it remained with them). From the Presidency - I said the report was withdrawn. Despite the fact that the report was withdrawn, Mr. Refet, who took the floor, made a pretentious speech that took five or six pages in the minutes. Some sentences I have taken from this speech, based on the minutes, will suffice to explain the purpose of the clerk. I guess.

Mr. Refet was saying: Our aim in choosing the American mandate is to get rid of the British mandate, which enslaves all societies and extinguishes hearts and consciences, and to accept America, which respects the consciences of quiet nations. Otherwise it's not really a matter of money. . Literally, mandate and independence are not obstacles to each other: only if we are not really strong, then we will be crushed under the mandate, and then the mandate will be an element that destroys our independence. Let's just say that we want complete independence, inside and out. However, I wonder if we can do it on our own right away or not? Before that, will they leave us alone or not? Let's consider this. it is a fact that today they want to divide us between England, France, Italy and Greece; However, if we are to conclude a peace agreement today under the guarantor of this state, in the future, as soon as we come under favorable conditions, we will immediately return and provide for our own benefit. But if a negative situation should arise, wouldn't we be completely wasted?

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We'll probably have to accept an American guarantor. In the twentieth century, a nation with a debt of five hundred million liras, a devastated country, an infertile land, and an income of only fifteen million liras cannot live without an external support: if it stays in this situation from now on and cannot develop with outside support. If we are, perhaps we will not be able to defend ourselves even against the attacks of Greece in the future. God forbid, if Izmir stays in Greece and a war breaks out between us, I wonder which railways will we be able to transport from Erzurum, even though our enemy can bring soldiers from Greece by ferries. So, the American buffalo is first of all necessary to find a guarantor and helper. The orator ended his speech with the following sentence: I would be happy if I was able to make an introduction to future discussions with these explanations I have presented. Gentlemen, you can easily appreciate the extent to which this brilliant and ingenious oration can deceive the thoughts and opinions of the listeners. I interrupted the session by saying, "Let's rest for ten minutes, sir, in order not to allow their minds to be completely poisoned by the speeches of the like-minded orators who may come after this, and to have the opportunity to enlighten themselves privately and guide them" (Time: 17.30). Gentlemen, it is worth paying attention to the last sentences of this speech. Mr. Refet considers the Greek occupation of Izmir temporary and does not accept that we are in a state of war. He is of the opinion that if the Greeks stay in Izmir and enter into a state of war, we will not be able to cope. In the next session, one of the Bursa representatives, Ahmet Nuri Bey, made a long speech against the mandate. Hami Bey replied to this with a longer speech, and towards the end of his speech, which was really long, he was confirming what he had said with the following information: But now I'm going to talk about one side of the business that I know for sure. At this stage of the matter, my words are not guesswork, as I have personally contacted the person concerned; based on precise information. Before departing from Istanbul, I had visited the former Grand Vizier ÿzzet Pasha. They probably believed themselves that we needed a buffalo. They asked me about my opinion on this issue, and I presented what we thought. A few days later, they called me and explained the following issue: After wandering around Syria and Adana, the members of the American Research Commission, who came to Istanbul and tried to learn the views of the political parties, visited ÿzzet Pasha in his mansion and said that they believed that the national organization in Anatolia represented the Turkish nation. They said that they knew the pasha (i.e. ÿzzet Pasha) as the pioneer of this business, and if you make the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses request the American mandate, America will also accept the Ottoman mandate. They said, After explaining this to me, Pasha said that this nation did not have the strength to fight another war and that we probably had to resort to such a remedy, and when I went to Sivas, he advised me to tell the people there about this situation. ÿzzet Pasha's belief is also in the center that there is a ninety percent probability of accepting a mandate to be asked in this way and that it is necessary to put forward some conditions only for us. In fact, Pasha also said that since it is not possible to accept a mandate for America that is not based on the will of the nation, the will to be shown by our congress will be a fulcrum in favor of America against the European states. I reported this matter to Rauf Bey in Erzurum with a password from Istanbul. Those who oppose the name of the Mandate more than themselves are in vain, the word doesn't matter. The importance is in the fact and nature of the work. Let's not say that we are under the mandate, but let's say that we are a state that will continue to exist forever if they want. Husrev Sami Bey's words were heard among those who replied to this last statement: But what we expect from these works is to prove that we are a nation that will protect its existence forever by defending ourselves! While Hâmi Bey responded to this in a way that evoked a sense of retrogression in his thinking, Kara Vasÿf Bey took the floor and spoke until the end of that day's meeting. I present to your attention the summary of Vasÿf Bey's long words with the following sentences, which are as it is in the minutes: Even if all states say that they will leave us completely independent, we still need foreign support (Vasÿf Bey, at the beginning of his words,

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He said let's call it outside support). We owe four hundred to five hundred million liras. No one will donate this money to anyone; they will say pay us this; However, our income is not enough even for the interest. Then we will be in a difficult situation; our financial situation is not suitable for living independently for this. Then, right next to us, there are governments that aim to divide us; we perish before their passions. What can we do without money, without an army? They're flying through the air, we can't get rid of the oxcart yet. They are building warships, we cannot build a sailing ship. Under these conditions, even if we save our independence today, they will still divide us one day. Vasÿf Bey ended his speech with these words:

. . . Americans in Istanbul: Do not be afraid of the Mandate. They say it has a place in the Charter of the League of Nations. For all these reasons, I regard England as our constant enemy and America as the least evil state. If you find it appropriate, we can ask for a torpedo to 'write a letter to the representative in Istanbul and send a delegation secretly. Touching on the mandate issue at the meeting held on Tuesday, the ninth of September, Rauf Bey's speech, which was recorded in the minutes, is as follows: Many words have been spoken by both the press and other circles on this mandate issue. Although your high committee has accepted the principle of external support, it has not been clarified from whom we will ask for this support. Although it is implicitly stated that this is America, I think there is no harm in stating it directly!

ERZURUM CONGRESS HAS NEVER DECIDED ON THE ACCEPTANCE OF MANDATORY NOT

As it can be understood from these words, there is no doubt that there is a mistake arising from the difference of opinion between Rauf Bey's view and the understanding of both the Sivas Congress Committee and the Erzurum Congress Committee. It can be concluded that these words, which are in the nature of interpretation of Rauf Bey's view, originate from the way they were written in the seventh article of the declarations of both Erzurum and Sivas Congresses. Indeed, there is a feature in the way this article is written, perhaps silencing those who go too far in the mandate and confuse the public with their endless propaganda, and perhaps more than that, it will respond to their claims. If the text of the article is carefully read and examined, it will be obvious that neither the mandate nor the idea of demanding the mandate of America is included. To illustrate this point clearly, I would like to remind the article in question: Article: 7 - Our nation believes in the greatness of contemporary goals; appreciates our technical, artistic and economic situation and our need. In this respect, we welcome the technical, industrial and economic assistance of any state that respects the requirements of nationality and does not seek to seize our country within the limits specified in the sixth article, provided that the sovereignty and independence of our state and our nation and the integrity of our homeland are preserved. The immediate realization of a peace encompassing such just and humane conditions is our primary national goal for the safety of humanity and the peace of the world. Gentlemen, at what point in this article is there an opinion that the mandate and mandate will be America? At the most, there may be those who take a mandate from the words "We welcome the technical, industrial and economic assistance of any state". However, it is a fact that this is not the meaning and purpose of the mandate. At all times, and even today, we welcome and welcome any assistance within the framework of this openness. As a matter of fact, for the construction of Ankara-Eregli and Keller-Diyarbakir railways, a Swedish company; We gladly accepted the technical, industrial and economic assistance of a Belgian company for the construction of the Kayseri - Sivas - Turhal lines. For instance, we gladly accept the help of foreign capital owners who will make offers for the construction and construction of Ankara and other Anatolian cities as soon as possible, as well as for the construction of all our other highways, railways and ports. As long as those who will bring capital to our country will protect the sovereignty and independence of our state and nation, and the integrity of our country, inside and outside.

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should not have secret intentions to spoil it. It is also inappropriate to deduce the meaning of the American State from the expression "any state that respects the requirements of nationality and does not aim to seize our country" in this article. Because among the world states that respect the requirements of nationality, there are not only Americans. For example, aren't Sweden and Belgium states of the same nature? Could there be a mandate for any of these states? Also, if the American State were to be implicitly meant, the words of a state or at least only the word "state" should have been used instead of the expression "any state". In this regard, it is clear that all states are concerned that technical, industrial and economic aid will be well received within the framework of the conditions described in the article.

Gentlemen, can it be concluded that my view on this mandate - this opinion has been revealed by all our correspondence and discussions made before that and which your high council has learned at the moment - is still not understood by a friend who has been with me day and night for months? In that case, Rauf Bey either did not actually have the same opinion as me or he was of the same opinion, but after the conversation he had with those who came from Istanbul in Sivas, he changed his opinion. I think it's hard to predict where. Now let's listen to Rauf Bey a little bit; Rauf Bey continues with his words: "While it was thought that the Germans would not sign the peace agreement at the time of the Armistice Agreement, the British press revealed some secrets. The first part of this was that Germany would sign the peace agreement. This happened. The second part was the issue that Turkey would be divided. Thankfully, it did not happen. In this section, according to the decision of the conference, the eastern side of the Kizilirmak is counted as Armenia and given to the American protectorate. Maybe Georgia and Azerbaijan are also ceded to the United States. The north of this region was given to the Italian and French, and the south to the British patronage and administration.The occupation of Izmir began to prove the truth of these revealed secrets. We have to accept your support. I am of that view."

In order to understand Rauf Bey's thoughts, did I need to listen to his words that continued after that?

Gentlemen, this very long and controversial mandate meeting ended with an average remedy to silence its supporters. And it was Rauf Bey again who offered this remedy: "First of all, to invite a delegation from the American Congress to examine our country and see the truth, in order to correct the current of thought caused by the negative propaganda that has been made against us in America for years." The proposal was unanimously accepted. Although I remember that a letter was written on this path with the signatures of the Presidential Council of the Congress, I do not remember very well whether this letter was sent or not. Moreover, I did not attach any special importance to this letter.

Sirs, by the way, let me briefly state the following: The Congress minutes that I applied as a document were kept by Sükrü, the representative of Afyonkarahisar, and Hami Bey, whose speeches we listened to in favor of the mandate, who were in the Office of the Clerk of the Presidency, and were cleared in a neat notebook with the writing of Hami Bey.

ATTEMPTS TO BUILD THE SIVAS CONGRESS

Gentlemen, the Congress ended on September 11, and some speeches were made in an open meeting on September 12, in which the people of Sivas were also present. During the congress negotiations, the issues of speeding up the parliamentary elections and where the parliament should be convened were touched upon. However, the issues that I will begin to explain now are to keep Congressional talks short.

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It required cutting. With these last points, he later became occupied with the Representative Committee. On September 9, 1919, some of the information gathered was announced to the Congress as follows. Kastamonu Governor Ali R1Za Bey was a man of the same type as Cema1 Bey. Since I know that many of my esteemed friends are in favor of being violent in the face of such situations, I immediately asked Fuat Pasha to take drastic measures. He has made notifications and attempts. He requests that this behavior be accepted by your supreme committee. Fuat Pasha gives stern warnings to the governors.

He appoints national commanders from high-ranking officers to regions, and these commanders have been given all kinds of authority on behalf of the nation. Congress accepted the offer. After that, I continued the explanations as follows: "A governor named Galip Bey was appointed here and he was coming. However, it was not clear whether this was Harput Governor Ali Galip Bey or Trabzon Governor Mehmet Galip Bey. But we got other information. An English major named Mister Nowil named Kamuran from the Bedirhans. Together with Celadet and Cemil Bey, he came to Malatya with about fifteen Kurdish horsemen and they were met by the governor of Bedirhanli Halil Bey. It was understood that their aim was to turn the Kurds against us with the promise that a Kurdistan would be established, and to lead them to assassinate us, and countermeasures were also taken.

Let's say we want to have the governor and others arrested. Malatya Governor also invited Kurdish tribes to Malatya. Upon this situation, we started to operate in the 13th Corps region. Necessary measures have been taken. Tomorrow evening, a military unit to be sent from Harput will crush the defeaters. The Corps Commander here has also taken the necessary precautions. Necessary orders have been given to Malatya and other places as well."

Gentlemen, during almost the entire meeting of the Sivas Congress, I did not hesitate to receive news that would cause tension on the nerves. However, I found it more plausible than helpful to present all the information I had received to the Congress delegation as it was. You see, as I've just explained, I preferred to use a cautious language when talking about the A1i Victory issue, which can be considered really dangerous. In my opinion, the most important issue was to complete the negotiations of the Sivas Congress with the final decisions as soon as possible and to try to implement these decisions in the country, despite all kinds of difficulties and dangers. This wish came true. The national organization statute covering the whole country and the declaration of the general congress were immediately printed and distributed everywhere. However, since new events were encountered beyond the expectations, even though the congress ended, I found it appropriate for the congress members to stay in Sivas until new developments showed themselves, and I made preparations to convene a more effective and extraordinary congress if necessary. After A1i Ga1ip's escape, it was not necessary to keep the congress members waiting in Sivas, and after the fall of Ferit Pasha's Cabinet, an extraordinary congress was not held.

ALI VICTORY EVENT

Now, Gentlemen, let me give some explanatory information on the subject of Ali Galip, which is an important event in our National Struggle history: Gentlemen, at the beginning of July, when we were in Erzurum, two persons named Celâdet and Kâmuri were to be subversive propaganda sent from Istanbul and incitement to Kurdistan against by foreigners them. uprights; with aInlotaof day money, or two,and thethey news were wastasked received withthat making they had moved and they were going to. On this news, I informed the 13th Corps Commander in Diyarbakir, as well as Chief of Staff Halit Bey and Canik Mutasarrÿf, on 3 July in Diyarbakÿr, that they had to be caught by surveillance without causing a mess.

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In the order I gave to the 13th Corps Public Commander on 20 August, I wrote that the people mentioned were reported to be departing from Istanbul and that it would be appropriate to keep the Mardin station under strict control, among the measures to be taken. On the second day of the Sivas Congress, that is, on September 6, "Three persons named Celâdet and Kâ muran from the Bedirhanlÿ family and Cemil Paÿade E Krem from Diyarbakÿr were accompanied by a foreign officer who used to make propaganda against us in the rural province of Diyarbakÿr. It is understood from the letter of the 13th Corps that, under the protection of the armed Kurds, they came to Malatya via Elbistan and Akçadaÿ and were met there by the Governor and the Mayor. In the information given by the 15th Corps Commander, Kâzÿm Karabekir ' Pasha, to the 3rd Corps Command in his cipher dated 6 September 1919 and numbered 529: "The foreign population officer's Turkish, Kurdish and Armenian It was reported from the 13th Corps that they said that they were traveling with the permission of the Istanbul Government to investigate, that the cavalry regiment in Malatya did not dare to arrest them due to the small number of people, however, they immediately applied to Istanbul for their arrest. I asked the Governor of Harput what they knew about where they would visit with this mission". (Document: 56 l Governor of Harput is Ali Galip Bey. We have known the purpose of these men since July 3rd. The presence of a cavalry regiment against five or ten armed Kurds was rare, their arrest was not dared; what is surprising is the fact. is the news that they applied to Istanbul for their arrest.

I record these minor and seemingly insignificant points as they indicate that there were significant differences in understanding and mentality in the assessment of the situation at the time. Since the attitude of the 13th Corps Commander in Diyarbakir was considered suspicious, in the (personal) code written on 1 September 1919 with the signature of the 3rd Corps Commander directly to the Chief of Staff of this corps, Governor Galip, Governor of Malatya About sixty horsemen under the command of 15th Alav Commander ÿlyas Bey, who was in Elazÿÿ together with Halil, Kâ muran, Celâdet and E Krem Bey, to ensure that the British major was captured and sent to Sivas. It was reported that a detachment of troop the departure and mule from soldiers Harput was to directly Malatya notified on September about 9 at the latest, and that the work would be completed without a short cut, and the detachment was requested to move immediately.

On September 8, it was informed that some officers would be sent from Sivas by a car (Document: 57). In the code sent to me by the Chief of Staff from Diyarbakÿr on 7/8 September 1919, it was stated:

"I learned about the request for the arrest. I don't think the Commander will give an order in this regard. Because I know his military characteristics. They hesitate to fulfill the notification to be made by me. We are communicating with Istanbul on this matter. The determination of what should be done according to this situation is high. It depends on your decision. It was presented with the number 357 of the password item." In the telegram dated September 8, which came from the 13th Corps Chief of Staff, Regiment Commander ÿlyas Bey in Halit Elâzÿÿ, in response to the 13th Corps Commander's order, "My action has been postponed upon the order I received from the Corps. Since it would not be appropriate to act from here without the permission of the Corps, please assist in the notification of the movement order from the Corps" (Document: 58). The answer I immediately gave to Mr. Halit was as follows: The baseness of certain people has been revealed. The Istanbul Government...... is a partner in this baseness. To expect orders from there is to give the enemy an opportunity. When making a notification on this matter, it is necessary to give orders immediately and not to waste time in a way that will not make anyone indecisive. Commander's indecision

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If you think that it will fall, please inform your person about the implementation of our notification made to the regimental commanders in Elazig and Malatya. If it is really necessary, let one of the division commanders you see fit take the command! The time to take it easy has passed. We await your reply on what has been done, brother.

I personally gave the following order to Mustafa Kemal Regiment Commander ÿlyas Bey on the same date: "The treachery of certain individuals has been revealed. The central government in Istanbul is also a partner in their treachery. The commander of your corps may have asked permission in this regard and received no response. In this respect, I expect your dâtiâl to resolve this issue. Waiting for your reply, sir. After you've done this job in Malatya, you can join us in Sivas if necessary. M Ustafa Kema l". The signature, excluding the password, was Zeki B y, Chief of Staff of the 3rd Corps.

I personally called the Commander of the 12th Cavalry Regiment in Malatya to the head of the telegram on the night of September 7/8 and I was meeting. I received information about his condition and strength from the Regimental Commander Cemal Bey. He said that there were about fifteen or twenty people, together with the armed Kurds next to them, and that the regiment had only that much strength in the center. I found this force sufficient. Even the officers of the cavalry and artillery regiments alone would have been enough. However, I wanted to understand the special situation and its spirituality. The telegram conversation then went like this: "I - Governor Galip Bey, the British Major, Kâ muran Celât and E Krem Bey should be caught and sent to Sivas in a skillful arrangement tonight. Is your situation suitable for doing this? Help will be provided.

Cemal Bey - Is the governor together? Me - Specifically, yes. Cemal Bey - As I submitted, my situation and strength are not suitable for this. A communication was made with the 13th Corps Commander about the capture of Kâ muran, Celâdet and E Krem Bey. In the end, an order was issued that due to the kindness of the situation, it would not be appropriate for them to be arrested for the time being," he said.

Now, this person could not be reached any further. I contented myself with instructing, "Keep them under strict surveillance, without making them feel it. Orders will come from your corps. If they move, let them know immediately in which direction they are going and by what means they are moving." (Document: 59).

On September 8, I asked Cemal Bey, in code, "whether certain persons were still there, and the degree of reliability of the measures taken to keep them under surveillance," and I ordered him to report to him twice a day.

In the reply I received the next day (September 8, 1919) to the telegram I wrote to Hâlit Bey, it was stated that an order had been given to the Regimental Commander ÿlyas Bey in Elâzÿÿ, and a copy of this order was given (Document: 60). Corps Commander Cevett Bey also reported that ÿlyas Bey had set off with 52 mule soldiers and two machine guns on the morning of 9 September and would be in Malatya on the evening of 10 September. He also said that I would excuse him not to engage in further activities in the surrounding area (Doc: 67). (Document: 62, 63, 64).

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In order to remove the effect of the propaganda made by Governor Ali Galip, the people of Bedirkhan and Cemil Pasazade, I went to Hâlet Bey (former deputy) in Kemah, who I know has relations with Elâzÿÿ and Dersim District, 9 September In , I wrote that he should move to Elazig and contact Haydar Bey (Document: 65). He got there towards the end of the month.

Haydar Bey, who was the governor of Van, was also set out from Erzurum to start his duty as the governor of Elazÿÿ. Haydar Bey would contact a cavalry regiment in Mamahatun, which was attached to the 15th Corps, and would mobilize this regiment towards Malatya when necessary. There was a record that some officers would be sent to Malatya by car. Indeed, one of our friends, Recep Zühtü Bey, apparently in the capacity of aide-de-camp of the 3rd Corps and with the special instruction he received from me, set off for Malatya by car on September 9, although there were others with him. Unfortunately, the car he was driving was broken in Kangal due to the bad and muddy roads and could not reach Malatya on time. After Kangal, he was able to reach Malatya in the afternoon of the fourth day of his departure from Sivas, by traveling day and night, now by car and now by animal. Recep Zühtü Bey's reports were very helpful in clarifying the situation.

Gentlemen, late on September 10, we received the following telegram:

Malatya, 10.9.1919 Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha to the 3rd Army Corps Command in Sivas: Arrived in Malatya uneventfully on 1-10.9.1919 at 14.00. 2 - It is submitted that all of the known persons have unfortunately fled towards Kahta, and detailed information will be presented later. 15th Regiment Commander ÿlyas On the same day but, from ÿ Malatya, 10.9.1919 to After the telegram of Mr. Lyas, we receive the following telegram: the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas. To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: 1- The Governor of Harput, the Governor of Malatya, the British major and his accomplices, as soon as they heard about the 15th Regiment's departure from Elazig and that they would be arrested, fled early this morning. It is said that they went to Bedir Agha in Kahta and came to raid this place with the Kurds they would take from there.

2 - If they attempt any evil, an order has been received from the Corps to prosecute them and the Bedir Aÿa tribe, they are being followed, the result will be presented separately.

3 - It is reported that they came to Malatya today at 14.00 with the force under the command of the Commander of the 15th Regiment. Major Cemal, Commander of the 12th Cavalry Regiment, if these two telegrams written on the same date are brought together and examined, it is impossible not to notice some remarkable points.

The Commander of the Cavalry Regiment, Cemal Bey, would keep certain persons under strict and safe custody upon the instruction he received from us and would report twice a day.

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Although the aforementioned people fled early in the morning on September 10, Cemal Bey only reported this information after the arrival of ÿlyas Bey's detachment and ÿlyas about Bey's thereport. movement Cemal of ÿlyas Bey says Bey's that detachment the fugitives from heard Elazÿÿ. However, the telegraph office was under the supervision of Cemal Bey.

Then he adds that it was said that the fugitives were going to round up the Kurds and raid Malatya. These points arouse suspicion and uncertainty about the Cavalry Regimental Commander. It was understood from the information received later that Ali Galip and his friends were informed on the evening of 9 September. Ali Galip spent the night in the government office without sleeping. On September 10, with a few gendarmes and armed Kurds, they gather in the government office, enter the office of the vizier, open the safe, count six thousand liras to take with them, put it aside, and write the following bill to be put in the safe:

"Six thousand liras were taken in accordance with the relevant order to cover the costs of eliminating Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his men. September 10, 1919. Halil Rahmi, Ali Galip." At a time when it is understood that ÿlyas Bey's detachment is approaching Malatya, the Commander of the Cavalry Regiment targets the officers at the governor's house. They surround the governor's house. They cut the telephone I as theoffice. wires and raid the house. Sensing that this movement has begun, Hall's family informs the government governor, mutasarrÿf As soon and their friends, who are busy getting money in the government, are aware of the situation, they forget everything in fear and haste and leave the money they have set aside and the bill they have written; They escape by riding their horses with their men (Document: 66, 67).

It cannot be admitted that the Commander of the Cavalry Regiment and the Artillery Regiment Commander did not know that the governor was spending the night in the government office. It was also clear that the capture of the governor was more important than the governor. It is a fact, then, that certain people were allowed to escape. In the simplest interpretation, it can be said that the delusion of the known people that a great disaster could arise from clashing with the five or ten armed gendarmes and the Kurds, led the people in Malatya to take precautions indirectly and made them adopt the way of abducting these people by frightening them. The main points I stated in the order I gave to ÿlyas Bey on September 10: 1- Rapid arrest of fugitives; 2 - Never leaving a favorable environment for the Kurdish movement; 3 - In Malatya, taking over the governorship of Gendarmerie Commander Tevfik Bey; bringing an honorable and patriotic person to the office of governor in Harput immediately; 4 - By fully addressing the government forces in Malatya and Harput, no action against the homeland and nation should be allowed, 5 - Announcement that those who follow fugitives will be destroyed ruthlessly and mercilessly, and informing the honest people of the real situation 6 - It consists of stating that the soldiers of foreigners who will endanger our national existence will also be resisted and that the necessary order and measures have been taken (Document: 68). Gentlemen, it was necessary to accept with certainty that the fugitives could recruit some Kurds from the nearby or surrounding tribes, and even take advantage of the foreign forces in Marash. For this reason, it was necessary to strengthen the measures taken and the forces devoted to this work. For this purpose, another mule detachment was sent from Sivas to Malatya on the evening of September 9, and the 3rd Corps will reduce its forces to the south as much as possible.

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The cavalry at Mamahatun would also be moved in the direction of Harput, as the corps would take on the task of follow-up and be very effective not to give the traitors a chance to move. In this regard, the 3rd, 13th and 15th Corps Commanders were duly notified and requests were made (Document: 69). Sirs, let's review some of the documents we got while we follow the fugitives within the framework of the instructions rope we have given. Since I think that these documents will reveal the event in question, Ali Gal's attempt vulgarity and of the the Istanbul Government more perfectly than any explanation, I think that it is not out of place to review them as they are.

First, let's read together the instruction dated September 3, 1919, which was given to the governor of Elazÿÿ, Ali Gâlip Bey, with the joint signatures of Minister of Internal Affairs Âdil Bey and War Minister Süleyman ÿefik Pasha. After that, we see the telegram of the Minister of Internal Affairs from the Sublime Porte regarding the force to be sent and the amount of money to be spent: Istanbul 906 It will be solved by Himself Attention to Mr. Galip, Governor of Elazig: September 2, 1919, issue: 2. It was offered. The sultan's supreme command about him will come out today. In this respect, it has become certain. The instruction is this: As you know, a few people gathered in Erzurum under the name of Congress and took some decisions. Neither the gatherings nor the decisions they make have any value or importance. However, these situations lead to some rumors around the country. It is also reflected in Europe with much exaggeration. Therefore, it creates bad effects. Although there are no forces and events worthy of attention, it is predicted that the British, who are only worried about these exaggerations and bad effects, will soon land quite a force in Samsun. If the movements contrary to the known circular sent by the government to you, as well as everywhere else, continue, it is not far from the possibility that the foreign forces to be taken out will occupy Sivas and many places by advancing further. This, of course, is against the interests of the country. It is understood from the communications about the events that the known persons gathered in Erzurum wanted to gather in Sivas soon and convene a congress again. It is known by the government that nothing will come out of the gathering of five or ten such people there. However, it is not possible to explain them to Europe. That is why it is necessary not to allow them to gather there. In order to achieve this, first of all, it is necessary to have a governor in Sivas who has gained the full trust of the government and is determined to fulfill the message for the good of the country. We are sending your higher person there for him. Although it is not so difficult to prevent a few people who want to convene a congress in Sivas, since some of the high-ranking civil servants, commanders, officers and soldiers are of the same opinion, they try to nullify the measures taken by the government as much as they can and try to get certain individuals in their power. Considering that they will try to protect as much as possible, having a reliable two hundred people with you is considered appropriate in terms of success. Therefore, as I wrote before, by taking together about one hundred and fifty reliable horsemen from the Kurds there and arriving in Sivas at a time that no one expected, without letting anyone know why they were leaving there, he would immediately take over the governor and the command, and although their number was small, he If you use the gendarmerie and the military well, it is obvious that you will not be able to use your authority to give a place to the meeting, since there will be no other force against you, and you can immediately catch those present and send them to Istanbul under detention. Thus, the government influence and authority to be gained will not only prevent such bad acts from happening again by intimidating those who seek adventure at home, but will also have a very good effect abroad. will form the basis. According to the correct information obtained by researching some well-known people of Sivas people, the public has been led by the provocations of these politicians to raise money.

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He hated hairs a lot. It is ready to help the government in every way to prevent these movements. It is informed that there will immediately be written to the gendarmerie, that there will be as many soldiers as requested and that they will be specially assisted by influential people. In this way, once enough and strongly attached gendarmerie units have been established, we will gladly send the cavalry to their places. Here are the measures to be taken. The easy and successful implementation of this depends only on acting in the utmost secrecy. Do not tell even a single person in your family you trust the most about your appointment to Sivas, or even about the fact that you are going to those parties. Until you enter Sivas, do not let even those around you sense your purpose. This is the basic condition for success. In this respect, you should leave your family there for the time being, explain to your family and relatives that you will stay for five or ten days to inspect the surrounding tribes, and try to set out immediately and enter Sivas the day before. When you get there, you should send the following telegram to the people who need it, take the governorship and the command and get to work immediately. On the other hand, you should notify the Ministry of the situation at the machine. Thus, as soon as the conditions there are clear, you will be notified by me at the machine again.

After starting work in this way, you can have your family and your belongings brought to Sivas whenever you see fit. However, ' it was in vain, since it was heard from the news that Reÿit Pasha, who was now there, and that hadsomeone been dismissed else would from bethe sent governorship in his place, that he had applied to the Ministry, and that the people whose names were known wanted to gather in Sivas soon. It is very important and indispensable as a requirement of the job that you make an effort to reach there ahead of time, by moving as soon as a minute is passed. In this situation, it is necessary to be informed when you will move and how soon you can get there.

Here is the telegram you will show to the interested parties in Sivas:

Since the appointment of His Highnesses to Sivas and its commander was submitted to the supreme orders of His Excellency by the decision of the Majlis-i Vûkelâ and approved with honor, you should immediately show this telegram to the civil and military officials in Sivas and take the governor and command office on you, and start the task and see the situation. You will be notified immediately. 3.9.1919 Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister of War Âdil Süleyman ÿefik 58) Council of Ministers. Sublime Porte, 6.9.1919 Attention to Mr. Galip, Governor of Elazig in Malatya: 6.9.1919. It is obligatory to cover the expenses of the force to be sent for the pursuit of the bandit, since the gendarmerie allowance is taken into account. Immediate notification of how many cents will be spent, the amount of force to be sent and the day of departure. Nazir Adil Three days later, the interior minister gives the following telegram, which seems to correspond to a telegram of Ali Galip:

Istanbul, 9.9.1919 Reference: 8.9.1919. Number : 2 Although there is no reliable vehicle in Sivas, veteran information could not be obtained from the Governor of Elâzÿÿ in Malatya, but according to the testimony of a man who was here and general information obtained from other places, the people were not in favor of these provocations. Then there are hardly any soldiers. Those who are leading this movement are some of the well-known people, commanders and officers. They try to adopt their aims by giving a national direction to the work. However, people do not support these works. Since it is closer, you can easily get the information you want: However; It is even more important that you set out the day before, since the newspapers have somehow mentioned your appointment to Sivas.

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won. It is obvious that the more strength you have with you, the easier the success will be. With the amounts of this force, I expect your departure date to be decided and announced one day before.

Nazir Âdil Ali Galip Bey gives the following telegram from Malatya for the last time in response to this telegram: It will be solved very urgently and secretly by Himself To the Ministry of Internal Affairs Necessary measures have been taken on the 14th day of this month, with sufficient force, to go after the bandits or to leave Malatya. Let there be confidence that, with God's help, successful results will be obtained from the fighting. Only written answers and requirements should not be delayed.

9.9.1919 Elâzÿÿ Governor Ali Galip From this telegram, Ali Galip, who spent the night of September 9-10 in the government office in excitement and sleepless until the morning, on September very successful 9, 1919, in was the battle. still above It seems his heroism that he and is hopeful. with the help of God, he was

Gentlemen, it was thought that it would be appropriate to send distrust telegrams to the Minister of Internal Affairs Âdil Bey, one of the civil chiefs who were informed about this event and these documents, and to the Minister of War, Süleyman ÿefik Pasha, one of the commanders. The public's attention was drawn. How strange and surprising are these words of Âdil Bey, who replied to the telegram of Sivas Governor Reÿit Pasha. . . . . Of course, you Dil Bey ended the telegram I was talking about with these sentences: ". . appreciate the need to obey the supreme orders of His Holiness the Caliph! " (Document: 70). Gentlemen, by chance, I was also in the telegraph office during this meeting. I couldn't take a break. I wrote this telegram and gave it to the officer to be taken. 10,11.9.1919 You are preventing the Minister of Internal Affairs, Adil Bey, from exposing the nation to its Sultan. Bastards, murderers! You are engaged in treacherous schemes against the nation with the enemies. I had no doubt that you were incapable of appreciating the power and will of the nation. However, I did not want to believe that you would act in a treacherous and despicable manner against the homeland and nation. Make up your mind. Consider the nation to bebaseness held accountable you havefor the committed by taking the foolish and unfounded words of idiots like Galip Bey and his henchmen, and by selling your conscience to foreigners like Mister Nowil who are harmful to our nation and homeland. When you know the end of the people and power you trust, do not forget to compare it with your own.

Mustafa Kemal All the commanders also applied as necessary. From the reports we received until September 12, it was understood that the fugitives spent the night of September 10-11 in Raka, and that they would spend the night of September 11-12 with a tribal chief in a village half an hour away from Raka (Document: 71). This information was reported to the 20th, 15th and 13th Corps Commanders (Document: 72).

The communications with Malatya on September 11 and September 11-12 at the beginning of the telegraph showed that the minds of those who had received definite orders and instructions in Malatya were still in confusion.

The Regimental Commander ÿlyas Bey, who came from Elazig, was informed by a special man sent by Governor Ali Galip and Governor Halil safety Bey that of the they country, wanted it is to necessary return to their to accept placestheir under offers certain in this conditions. way. "In the name of the

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It is submitted that we are awaiting your order on whether it is suitable or not" ( 11 September) (Document: 73).

After this, ÿlyas Bey sent the Cavalry Regiment to the telegraph on the night of 11/12 September. Commander Cemal, Deputy Governor Tevfik, Artillery Regiment Commander Münir, Gendarmerie He had the following written on behalf of Captain Faruk, Veteran Major Mehmet and Regiment Commander ÿlyas Beys who came from Elâzÿÿ: ÿlyas Bey from Malatya: The information received from Gendarme Captain Faruk Bey, who is a reliable person, is as follows: Faruk Bey, in pursuit of Kahta and its surroundings, stated that the Kurds gathered in the village of Raka, five hours away from Malatya, that the Governor and his friends were now there, that the tribes in the region extending to Siverek were coming here one after another; They said that they were called in the name of Kurdishness until they reached the tribes of Dersim, that they would march towards Sivas with all their forces, after they attacked Malatya and plundered it completely, in accordance with the plan of the Governor, that they would kill and exile the Turks in Malatya. He announces that they will walk. Because the governor's departure from Malatya was considered a great humiliation and insult against them in the name of Kurdishness. The governor stated that he did not support or consent to such a plunder and massacre, however, he could not prevent the thought of the governor. Although when they entered Malatya by fighting, the Kurdish flag would be raised and the British major with them stated that the British division in Urfa was ready for action, but Hacÿ Bedir Aÿa did not accept this and that the tribes and the tribes left Malatya in Kurdistan. It is stated without exaggeration that they resisted the hoisting of the Kurdish flag in Malatya and did not abandon the governor who wanted to return to Malatya last night.

The terms are below: 1- The governor's return to his place;

2 - Remaining of the governor as before; 3 - Sending back the soldiers from Elazig; 4 - When the governor entered Malatya with a hundred armed Kurds, peace was ensured and he marched towards Sivas; 5 - Return of seven rifles and one pistol taken from the tribes; 6 - The orders of those I have presented above.

I wrote the following to ÿlyas B e y: 11,12.9.1919 to Mr. ÿlyas in Malatya 1- The information you provided has been taken into consideration by our committee. Who are the ones who put forward conditions for your being? It is never right to engage in such a relationship. It is in question that the governor, mutasarrÿf and their accomplices, whose treachery is revealed, are caught, and some heedless people they try to provoke are warned. It must be resisted with all its might. The 13th, 15th and 3rd Corps Commanders are deciding on the joint action to be taken at the beginning of the telegram until now. The available forces were mobilized from all sides. We have full confidence that the measures to be taken there have been taken calmly and seriously by your essence. It should be taken into account that all telegraph offices in that region were kept and that our brother Tevfik Bey, Deputy Governor, showed the power and authority of the government in the highest manner.

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2 - Right now, from all the centers of Anatolia, the treachery done to Zatishahane is presented. The same should be done in Oraca. 3 - The words of the English major are bluff. Even if the Kurds can unite and rally, you can appreciate the extent to which they can succeed in the face of military force. ' 4 - It would be appropriate for you to try to attract the Bedir Agha, the chiefs of the Keven tribe and the gentlemen who are against these treacherous acts to your side. 5 - Do you have any contact with the cavalry division departing from Adÿyaman and with a battalion each departing from Siverek and Diyarbakir? Where did they arrive? On behalf of the Congress Committee in the telegraph office, Mustafa Kemal True, the congress was not in a meeting and was not in the telegraph office. However, in order to strengthen the spirituality, I found it appropriate to show about the Congress Committee, and as a signature, I also wrote a telegram of the same quality as "Congress Committee" (Document: 74). In addition to this telegram, by declaring the foreign forces in Urfa, Ayÿntap and Maraÿ, which are very few in number, "the words of those who tell you about a foreign division are out of shame to break your spirituality by transferring the lies of the traitors to the homeland and nation..." I said it is (Document: 75). In his reply to my telegram, Mr. Ilyas said, "In the event of an attack, it has been decided to be violently opposed." After saying that, "the force at hand is not enough to defend Malatya against a Kurdish attack for a long time. It is requested once again that auxiliary forces be ordered to be sent as quickly as possible" (Document: 76).

I asked ÿlyas Bey to return to his important work by leaving an officer in the telegraph office so that something can be reported when necessary (Document: 77). I will present for your information a telegram sent by ÿlyas Bey on September 12, as it is thought to be beneficial for your officers and officers in various respects: Malatya, 12.9.1919 A British officer named Monsieur P. Peel (Pîl), who was a colonel in the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas, and attached to the British army in Aleppo, arrived in Malatya at noon today on 12.9.1919. . His aim was to meet with the notables of the region, civil and military officials in the Malatya, Harput and Diyarbakir regions, that fugitive Mister Nowil did not know anything about his mission and that the British Government had absolutely no knowledge of this matter and that such a propagandist officer was traveling around here. He said that he could not accept it and that he would be ordered to be brought here immediately among the tribes. He added that he would send him to Aleppo as a prisoner if he came to the conclusion that he was wandering around with a treacherous purpose. He requested to invite Governor Galip Bey ' to meet with him, assuring him that his life would bepossible protected. forInthe this person regard, mentioned I also said above that ittowould comenot here bewithout an order, and that I would apply to the relevant authorities for this. He asked me to act as an intermediary for the prompt notification of this permission order. He was known as the "high political fiduciary". The Istanbul Government recognized him. After staying here for two days, he was going to Harput. There is no entry document. He was told that he was an honored guest and would be given special respect. Shall we let him bring the governor here and travel to Harput? Notification. It is reported that two officers from Sivas have just arrived.

15th Regiment Commander ÿlyas Our views on how to act on the issues mentioned in this telegram were briefly stated as follows:

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Sivas, 12.9.1919 Concern for the Command of the 15th Regiment in Malatya: 12.9.1919. 1- Regardless of who he is, a foreign officer who does not have an entry document has no business in the Ottoman country. Inform him of the situation with great courtesy, but with a certain military and firm attitude, and ask him to return immediately to where he came from. Bring a talented, alert officer with you so that he does not come into any political contact with notables and officials until he leaves the country. 2 - You can also explain that the fugitive governor was accused of treason, that he will be caught and handed over to the just claw of the law when he is captured, that there is no possibility to do anything else about this, sir.

Thanks to Mustafa Kemal Efendi, the arrangements and measures taken, and especially the harshness and violence shown, the tribes that Ali Galip and Halil Whether Bey Nowil to or seduce under disintegrated, custody, he went andIneasily Aliaddition Galip, through who fell Elbistan. despair, Others found a way to Urfa and and escaped. then IAleppo. see noto use in tried explaining these phases further. to what Iinto have said onfled thisfirst subject, I hope that to from the documents reading be published, there will be points that can serve as a lesson for today and the future (Document: 78, 79, 80, 81).

ATTACK ON FERIT PASHA'S CABIN COOPERATION WITH TRAILER

Gentlemen, after seeing the documents I have submitted for your information, I think that the attempt made by Ali Galip is a joint attempt of the Sultan and the Ferit Pasha Government, and there will be no doubts and hesitations left. It is clear what kind of situation should be taken against the common ringleaders of this treachery. However, it would have been prudent to stop acting as openly as possible in an attempt to counter this and to gather the power of the enterprise at one point, while avoiding directing the power of the enterprise towards various targets, although it was necessary at the time. We identified only the Ferit Pasha Cabinet as the target of the attack, and we held that the Sultan's thesis was that this Ferit Pasha Cabinet was deceiving the Sultan by not informing the Sultan of the events. We asserted that we had confidence that if the Sultan found out about the situation, he would apply the action they deserved to those who deceived him. As it is natural not to be trusted with the murder of the government, we accepted as a starting point for our attempts that the situation could be corrected only by presenting the facts directly to the Sultan. With this in mind, a telegram was prepared to be sent to the Sultan on the 11th of September. In this telegram, as you can guess, in many stereotypical words that were necessary for the time: It was revealed with documents that the government would cause bloodshed among Muslims by going to press the congress by force of arms, that they had undertaken the plan to destroy the homeland by revolting Kurdistan in return for money, and that the government was used as a tool in these matters. After it was reported that the people he used were devastated and forced to flee, that if they were caught, they would be handed over to the clutches of the law, and that the people's confidence in the Istanbul Government, which had prepared these murders, ordered and implemented them through the Ministers of Internal Affairs and War, was no longer the nation's trust, the establishment of a new government formed by honest people, about this spy network. It is demanded that criminals be punished by making a swift legal investigation; Until a just government was established, it was said that the army could not be separated from the nation, which had decided not to have any communication or relationship with the Istanbul Government, and that we, the corps commanders, who knew the inside of the incident and were in that environment, were obliged to submit.

It was thought that it would be appropriate to send this telegram copy to Istanbul by all corps. On September 11, at the beginning of the telegram, I gave the following instruction to the corps commanders:

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"Now we will provide a copy. We consider it appropriate that this copy be drawn with the joint signatures of the 3rd, 15th, 20th, 13th and 12th Corps Commanders. After reading, wait to shoot at the same time as the other commanders."

To the High Floor of the Grand Viziership Now, we have to make an important offer directly to our holy Commander-in-Chief, our glorious Caliph. We ask that it not be prevented, otherwise, we submit that the responsibility of the heavy consequences that may arise from this will belong only to your high person. 12th Cor., 13th Cor., 20' r.ci Cor., 15th Cor., 3rd Cor. The important exposure to be made consisted of what was written in the telegram sent to the sultan, as I have presented above.

On the 11th day of September and especially on the night of 12/13, corps commanders from all over the world were trying to communicate with Istanbul as agreed by coming to the telegraph centers. But the grand vizier seemed to have disappeared. He wasn't answering. At the telegram, we were pressing for the grand vizier to receive the telegrams and reply. After long disputes with the telegraph officers in the center of Istanbul, a telegraph officer gave the following information:

"What was written to the Grand Vizier Pasha was told over the phone. In the reply received: The text of the telegram was presented to His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha. The submissions to be submitted must be duly submitted by telegram. The incoming telegrams are also duly presented to the Sultan, the Director says what he has ordered, sir."

Thereupon, the following telegram was sent to Sivas telegraph office at 4:00 am after midnight: 11/12.9.1919

It has been revealed to the Grand Vizier Ferit Pasha that you have taken some heedless actions and attempts by trampling on the rights and sacred assets of the homeland and the nation, and by violating the honor and dignity of the supreme sultanate of His Excellency the Sultan. The nation has no confidence in any of you other than our sultan. For this reason, he has to present his situation and wishes only to His Excellency the Sultan. Fearing the consequences of its illegitimate actions, your government is now putting an obstacle between the nation and the sultan. If your resistance on this issue lasts for more than an hour, the nation will find it right to consider itself free in all kinds of movements and activities, and the whole country will definitely cut off its interest and connection with your illegitimate government, this is our last warning. From now on, the way the nation will follow will be reported in detail to the representatives of the Entente States through the foreign officers present here.

General Congress Delegation

At the same time, the Sivas Telegraph Directorate was given the following order by telephone: General Congress Delegation The following general announcement was made to the Corps Commanders:

To the 20th Corps Command, to the 5th Corps Command, to the 13th Corps Command, to the 3rd Corps Command, the Exposure of the Congress to the Supreme Court of the Sultan was prevented by the Telegraph Chief Directorate in Istanbul. The aforementioned directorate was informed as an answer that if the Palace was not released within an hour, the communication of all Anatolia with Istanbul would be shortened. If this legitimate request of the congress is not responded to, the telegraph communications in Ankara, Kastamonu, Diyarbakÿr telegraph centers and Sinop will be stopped starting from the moment of the notification, that is, no telegrams other than news and notifications about the congress will be sent to Istanbul and accepted from Istanbul; If it will not prevent our communication with Western Anatolia, it is requested that the line in the direction of Geyve Strait be kept or temporarily cut and the results of the work done should be reported.

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The heaviest penalty will be imposed on them by being handed over to Harb. Fulfillment of this notification requirement has been requested from the Commanders of the 20th, 15th, 13th and 3rd Corps. Notification of receipt. General Congress Delegation in Sivas The instruction given in this telegram was completed with later telegrams. In addition to the general communiqué made on the night of September 11-12, the following request was made. All commanders, civil administration chiefs and relevant delegations are requested not to leave the telegraph office until the result is obtained tonight. General Congress Delegation The following warning was also given to the telegraph offices:

Addendum: After the Congress Committee learns the news that this notification requirement has been fulfilled, since we will continue to communicate between us, it is requested that people be kept in the telegraph offices. Congress Delegation DECISION TO DISCONNECT WITH THE GOVERNMENT IN ISTANBUL

It was understood that Istanbul would not make a telegraph connection to the palace within the one hour period given to them. For this reason, the following general announcement was made to all commanders on September 12, 1919: The telegram, the copy of which has been found below, will be sent to the Grand Vizier by the General Congress Committee in one hour. In this respect, send a telegram on this basis and quality immediately and report it immediately, sir. (General Congress Delegation)

The notification sent to the Grand Vizier "for information" at five o'clock and also made to all commanders and provinces consists of the following: 1- Since the government cuts off the nation's exposure and connection to its beloved sultan and continues to resist the treacherous acts that have emerged, the nation has also decided to cut off its administrative relations with the Istanbul Government and all kinds of postal, telegraphic communication and transportation with Istanbul until a legitimate government takes over. has given. Civil servants in their regions will cooperate with military commanders to ensure this issue and report the result to the General Congress Committee in Sivas.

2 - This notification was sent to all commanders and civil administration chiefs. 12.9.1919 General Congress Delegation

BEGIN TO BE BUSY WITH THE ELECTION OF THE MEPs

Gentlemen, on the 12th day of the month, communication and connection with the Istanbul Government were generally cut off. I will also explain some of the other places and our discussions with these places. But if you allow me, let me first provide information on an issue that should be considered more important. It is known by your high committee that the Ferit Pasha Government apparently gave an order for the elections of the deputies. However, this order was not implemented until the current date, that is, until September 12, when Anatolia cut off its connection with Istanbul. On the last situation, you appreciate that the most important issue will be to make the election of the deputies as soon as possible. In this respect, on September 13, this issue was immediately addressed. Rather than making long explanations, I find it more useful to present to your information the first general instruction given on the date I reported it. The notice is:

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Phone. 13.9.1919

14th Corps in Balÿkesir, 12th Corps in Konya. 13th Corps in Diyarbakir, 15th Corps in Erzurum, 20th Corps in Ankara, 17th Division in Bursa

,

58th Division in Çine, 61st Division in Bandÿrma Commands and 6th Division in Edirne I th Corps, 11 th Division Commands in Viÿde provinces, independent sanjaks, municipalities.

(To the Central Committees of the Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti). The most important task of today is to ensure and accelerate the election and convening of the Assembly.

As the Istanbul Government deceived the people and postponed the election of the deputies for months, it also neglects and delays the election order it has given recently for various reasons. It is understood from the noteand given Ferit Pasha to the Peace Conference he gave up ourprovince provinces beyond the Taurus, hisby attempt to determine the border with the that Greeks on Aydÿn was considered as evidence that he had accepted the occupation as a fait accompli, and for other occupied regions of the country, these were taken as evidence. It has definitely been understood that he will tear apart the country and the nation with his similar negligent and treacherous policy. It was understood that he intended to put the nation against a fait accompli by signing a peace agreement before the assembly of the National Assembly. In this respect, the General Congress, inviting the army and the nation to be vigilant, accepts and declares that the following matters should be fulfilled as soon as possible as the vital matter of the nation:

First of all: Municipalities and Defense of Law Societies should be engaged in an intense activity in order to make and complete the election preparations as soon as possible as specified in the current law. Secondly: The number of deputies to be removed from the sanjaks should be determined immediately according to the population status of the rates and should be notified in advance by the Representative Committee. The issue of candidates will be discussed in subsequent communications.

Thirdly: While making the preparations for the elections, the obstacles that will cause delay in the elections should be removed by considering in advance and the elections should be concluded as soon as possible without any delay.

You are kindly requested to notify all the Municipalities and Defense of Rights Associations in your region of this decision and help them to be fulfilled immediately. (Hey'et-i Representative)

TO LEAVE THE COUNTRY WITH A PLACE TO APPLY

The Ferit Pasha Government continued in obstinacy. As it is known, this situation continued until the government thought. Of course, depriving the country of a place to apply for days would cause great inconveniences. Therefore, on the 13th/14th night of September, he determined and wrote down the decisions that we first reported as an order to ask for opinions, and then to ignore some objections.

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The copy showing the measures to be taken by the Congress is presented below: After your high opinion and thoughts on this matter are received, they will be discussed and implemented by the general assembly. We are waiting for your reply until noon on 15.9.11919, sir. Although we tried to prove the eternal loyalty of the nation to the Sultanate and Caliphate by all legitimate and legal means, declaring our national initiatives and activities illegitimate by displaying the national cause with a treacherous diversion and interpretation, creating a barrier between the sultan and the nation and putting the people against each other. The General Congress Committee, which had to cut off its relations with the Istanbul Government, which was the instigator of this by taking up arms and dragging it to death, considers it its duty to notify the following decisions to its members.

1- In the name of His Excellency the Sultan and within the framework of the laws in force, state affairs will continue to be carried out as before. The life, property, honor and all kinds of rights of the people will be guaranteed without any discrimination based on race or sect. 2 - It is natural for civil servants to carry out the duties assigned to them in accordance with the legitimate cause of the nation. Otherwise, the excuses of those who abstained from duty will be treated as resignation, and those who are found suitable will be appointed as proxy. 3 - Civil servants who will be observed and found to behave contrary to the national cause and trend during their duty will be strictly and severely punished in the name of religion and the welfare of the nation. 4 - Regardless of who resigned from civil servants and the public, those who make provocative and defeatist actions and suggestions against national decisions will also be severely punished. 5 - The peace and happiness of the country and the nation is possible with the establishment of rights and justice, security and peace in the country. It is expected from corps commands, governors and independent governors to take all necessary measures in this regard. 6 - The communication center will be the General Congress Representative Committee in Sivas until the submission and announcement of the wishes of the people to the Zatishahane is successful and a legitimate government is established, which has gained the trust and support of the nation. 7 - These decisions will be sent to all national organization centers and announced. (Mustafa Kemal)

OBJECTIONS AND CRITICISM

Gentlemen, upon this last notification we have brought to your attention, we have been subjected to some mild but partially severe objections, resistances, and even counter-attempts. Oppositions and criticisms did not only adhere to the provisions of our last notification. Due to this notification, it spread to other points as well. In order to give a clear idea to your high committee on this subject, I request your permission to briefly present some of the correspondences made for your information.

In the telegram dated 14 September 1919 of the Central Committee of the Erzincan Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, a harmless view was put forward that it was decided by all the members that it would be appropriate to give the Istanbul Government a period of forty-eight hours before the implementation of the decisions. Cevdet Bey, the Commander of the 13th Corps from Diyarbakÿr, in his long code dated September 14, 1919: If the correspondence is made with the Congress Representative Committee, completely disconnecting from the government headquarters, the opponents, those who pursue a political purpose, will mislead the public by showing this movement as a rebellion against the caliphate. .If this situation continues, civil servant and soldier salaries

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Have resources and measures been considered for food expenditures? The Istanbul Government is under British influence. Despite all kinds of insistence and effort, it is impossible to establish a government that can act otherwise. If the British implement a large-scale invasion plan with the permission of the government, are you in favor of going to war with the British all over again? To what extent are you sure that success will be achieved if undertaken? Would such an act of resistance be in line with the interests of the country? It included some thoughts and questions in the form of. In the telegram of the Erzurum Committee of the Center of September 15, 1919: It was said that in order to ensure the compliance of the sixth article of our regulation (ie the article regarding the acceptance of the Committee of Representatives as a place of application) with our statute, consent must be obtained from the central committees. In the telegram of Commander ÿlyas Bey from Malatya, dated September 15, 1919, the idea was put forward that if it is deemed appropriate to postpone this issue until the people of Elazÿÿ province are informed of the purpose and purpose of the congress and at least enlightened to a certain extent, I agree that I agree. After the Central Committee of the Sivas Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, which we are in, started in a long report with the following statement: It is understood that a temporary administration will be declared in the country from all of the declared articles, our attention is drawn to the point that it is not possible to base this on neither the special article nor the other articles of the society statute. and he was not looking for ways to convey the issues to be presented to the Sultan, with great calmness and sincerity and sweetly, he was recommending them.

In the open telegraph he sent from Trabzon on September 15, 1919, which started with the pious address of Esselâmu aleyküm by Servet Bey, who did not join us despite our many invitations and requests and made excuses not to attend the Sivas Congress, although he was one of the members of the Representative Committee: Sivas Congress We received the Declaration and then your announcement. It is understood that the thoughts we expressed as an answer were wanted and seen by His Holiness Kazÿm Pasha, that the Sivas Congress took the form of a general congress and formed a Committee of Representatives, which is contrary to our decisions. Sivas Congress will not be authorized to elect members among our Committee of Representatives. The interruption of communication with the Istanbul Government has become a fait accompli. The fact that the Hey'et-i Temsiliye is a place of application will have a very bad effect on the public. This should definitely be avoided. Sivas Congress is not authorized to change the statute of Erzurum Congress. This congress would have to comply with the Eastern Provinces Representative Committee. There is no doubt that these days, when the minds are in a general turmoil over the Erzurum decisions, the provisions other than that will be viewed with suspicious eyes. It ended with the protest that we could not participate in the works that did not comply with the decisions of the Erzurum Congress.

In the letter of the 15th Corps Commander, Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, dated September 15, 1919: I read the response of the Trabzon delegation, Servet, ÿzzet and Zeki Bey, in response to the question of the Sivas Congress. The trust and respect I have for these people I know very well is endless. After saying I understand and adopt the basic idea that guides their views, they give their opinions on the details and especially the Erzurum Congress is on behalf of the Eastern Anatolian provinces. Sivas Congress, on the other hand, is a congress representing the whole nation. It is natural that this congress also has a representative committee. However, the Sivas General Congress Committee does not abolish the Eastern Anatolian Provinces Representative Committee. This Committee of Representatives naturally exists at all times. However, it may be right to ask if there are those from this Committee of Representatives who have entered the Sivas Congress Committee to resign from the Eastern Anatolian Provinces Representative Committee Anatolian Provinces Representative Committee The Sivas protects Congress onlyprotects the rights theand interests interests of the of the entire Eastern nation, Anatolian while theprovinces. Eastern , today. The fact that the Hey'et-i Temsiliye is the place of application and its authority constitute the most important point of the subject. I am in full agreement with you that we should not rush this matter in advance. As for the items one to five of the proposals made by the Representative Committee, he was of the opinion that it would be inappropriate to not ask them, or even to publish them as a statement or as a request.

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Let me also talk about the response we gave to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha in the telegram we wrote in response to Servet Bey in Trabzon. The telegram written to Servet Bey was as follows: To Mr. Servet in Trabzon There was no response yet to the expected view from the Trabzon Central Committee. This issue was also asked from His Holiness Kazÿm Pasha. It is not clear why it is necessary to combine the views. I am reporting the answer to your comments in the same order below: At first, it was known by everyone that the Sivas Congress would be a general congress. This is the first time I am hearing from you again that this is being accepted in a different way in your opinion. As for the Delegation of Representatives, this delegation is actually a committee elected and accepted by the Erzurum Congress. At this time, Rauf Bey, Bekir Sami Bey, Raif Efendi and Sheikh Hacÿ Fevzi Efendi are present in Sivas with me. Although four more members are missing, the majority is working. We have no doubt that this point will be clearly known to you. Because, due to the importance of the situation, he invited you while he was still in Erzurum and it was stated that the other friends would be taken with him. In accordance with the eighth article of our charter, it was discussed together that the Sivas General Congress could strengthen our Representative Committee with some members, and there was no objection to this, on the contrary, it was deemed necessary in terms of representing the national unity. Nothing else was done at the Sivas General Congress. The interruption of communication with the Istanbul Government is based on inconceivable and treacherous reasons, not outside of the fourth article of our basic decisions, but within and even within that article. In fact, it is the Istanbul Government, not us, who did this fait accompli. It is a necessity to fulfill the requirements of our encrypted telegram. There is no way to give up on this. When we started, we considered it a duty to apply to you to get your positive vote. Whether you find it suitable or not is a matter to be appreciated.

However, let me state that today, in a direction in which Anatolia and Rumelia are obliged to act together, there is a definite obligation to adopt the path taken by the majority, not by the minority, and to turn the minorities into this path. If you have a more plausible view of the place of application and jurisdiction, please let us know. If today's road, which is inevitable to be followed, is carefully examined, it will be seen that it is in full compliance with our statute and the basic decisions of the Erzurum Congress. I don't see any point out of this. Accordingly, I would like to request the disclosure of your personal matters, other than the bylaws and known decisions that you do not want to involve yourself in. If there is a move that cannot be avoided today, it is that the Istanbul Government has left the fate of the nation and the country to the will of the despicable British and sacrificed it to its own interests. On the other hand, if it is possible to take a decision other than the one taken here, please notify us. (Mustafa Kemal)

The beginning of our comprehensive answer to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha was exactly as follows: An open telegram sent by Servet and ÿzzet Bey in response to the issues requested by the Representative Committee from the Trabzon Central Committee was received. The Committee of Representatives accepts the opinions in it, which are objectionable to be announced openly, as the opinions of Servet and ÿzzet Bey. He did not ask Servet and ÿzzet Bey for the thoughts he had requested by sending a circular to the Committee of Representatives, but from the Trabzon Central Committee in accordance with the statute. In a special telegram containing the views of Servet and ÿzzet Bey, the following explanations were required regarding the thoughts put forward by you in response to both them and the Committee of Representatives:

a) First of all, unfortunately, the basic idea that led the aforementioned people to the views known to you, unfortunately, could not be understood by the Committee of Representatives. b) The fourth article of the statute explains the reasons and conditions for the establishment of a temporary administration. However, the measures taken due to the last known treacherous events and whose opinion was asked about the need to be taken are never related to the aim of establishing a temporary administration. It is unnecessary, then, to look for a relationship between this point and the fourth item. The measures were taken in order to find a way to apply directly to the Zatishahane and to wish for a legitimate government to be put in office.

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c) The congress convened in Sivas, having a special, authorized delegation elected in accordance with the congress resolutions on behalf of the General Assembly of the Erzurum Congress and therefore all the Eastern Anatolian provinces, with the representatives of Western Anatolia, of course both the whole of Anatolia and Rumelia and of course. became a general congress that could represent the whole nation. The Sivas Congress accepted the decisions and organization of the Erzurum Congress as it was, but by expanding it further, and as a result, the Eastern Anatolian Defense of Rights Society was expanded and united under the name of Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti.

The third article of the statute and the main decisions of the congress have already indicated the realization of this high aim as a definite wish. Sivas General Congress, by fully declaring its trust in the Committee of Representatives elected on behalf of the Eastern Anatolian Defense of Rights Society at the Erzurum Congress, made it a similar committee for the Anatolian and Rumelia Defense of Law Society. accepted as According to this situation, the decisions of the Sivas General Congress are different, the decisions of the Erzurum Congress are different; Of course, there can be no such differences and differences as the Representative Committee of the Eastern Anatolian Defense of Rights Association and the Representative Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association.

Talking about such a situation is undoubtedly extremely harmful to our sincere aim of national unity and our sacred goal. In that case, there are no members of the Committee of Representatives that annihilate each other, and there are no members whose request to withdraw from the other can be right when they enter one. Today, the only Delegation of Representatives of our society, which includes all Anatolia and Rumelia, in Sivas, continues to function with the participation of five of the nine people elected by the Erzurum Congress in accordance with the special articles of the statute. It is one of the issues that our minds cannot accept to try to keep them as an ordinary satellite by ignoring the just and appropriate offers of Western Anatolia, which is not less. For this reason, our Committee of Representatives has been strengthened by adding six more members.

After that, this telegram, which included many more explanations, was sent to the Trabzon Central Committee as well.

Many more explanations and requests for clarification were made on these discussions. In fact, it was seen that telegrams were sent against us to other provinces with the forged signature of the Trabzon Center of the Defense of the Law. Finally, fifteen days later, we received a telegram from Trabzon. But not from Servet Bey... If I present this telegram as it is, the situation will be understood. To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha on behalf of the Representative Committee in Sivas The telegram of the Trabzon Municipality Council, whose copy is given below, is now being sent to Istanbul. It is submitted that this copy was dictated to the 15th Corps Command. ( Position Commander Ali Rÿza)

Copy 1.10.1919 Istanbul, to His Excellency the Grand Vizier Ferit Pasha Trabzon has studied and followed the national outcry rising from Anatolia with the dignity and calmness peculiar to it. The country cannot tolerate this situation any longer. If you have patriotism, you have left your position, His Highness Pasha.

Mayor Member Member Member Huseyin Ahmet Mehmet Avni Mehmet Salih

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Member Member Member Member

Hüsnü Temel Mehmet Sefik

RECOMMENDATIONS OF KAZIM KARABEKIR PASHA

On 17 September 1919, I received a personal password from Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha. Written in a very sincere and brotherly language, this code contained a couple of warnings. Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha: My Pasha, he says, notifications and circulars coming from Sivas, sometimes on behalf of the Representative Committee, sometimes directly on your behalf. On September 10, 1919, you had announcements and warnings on your behalf, addressing the government in Istanbul. Believe and trust that a notification made in this way with your signature is criticized with great sincerity and goodwill, even by those who love you with the greatest respect. . . . . . You will appreciate how effective this will be and how it will provoke a reaction... In this regard, I request that the decisions of the Representative Committee and Congress be published without signature and only as the Representative Committee. The telegram ended with these sentences: It is necessary for the benefit of the country that your high personality should not be seen alone. At this point, I have not been able to find out who the people or the delegation were unanimously at this point) I am sure that these requests will be well received, I kiss your hands.

It is obvious that it is necessary to illuminate the points that we see that lead Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha to indecision and criticism, by passing them through a logical filter with as much clarity as possible. I prefer to present the answer I gave at that time, as it is, in order to express my views arising from my feelings and thoughts in those days, without fear of losing myself to the effects of today: 19.9.1919

15th Corps Commander

To His Excellency Kazim Pasha Dear Brother, The fact that you have expressed your views, which I never doubted, based on deep sincerity, in an open and fraternal language, has been instrumental in strengthening our fraternal ties and creating a feeling of joy from the heart. I understand very well the drawbacks that appear in your mind. On September 10, I do not have a notification sent to the government on my behalf. However, while I was at the telegraph office, we came across the Minister of Internal Affairs, Adil Bey, at the machine. Against the meaningless answers he gave to Onur Sivas Governor Reÿit Pasha, I made some harsh warnings that you know, just personally, against him.

It almost took the form of a conversation. In addition, in applications made against the government, the Sultan and foreigners, the expression "Congress Committee" or "Hey'et-i Representative" has always been used as a signature. However, five people signed a letter written to the American Senate, as you know, with the resolution of the congress, and my signature is among them. As for the open correspondence made inside, we used the phrase "Hey'et-i Representative" instead of signature. However, this proved to have a bad effect and lead to distrust in some circles. Indeed, the persons and power that such a general phrase included remained hidden. Who is responsible in the middle? From some places; I started to be personally called to the machine directly from places such as Kastamonu, Ankara, Malatya, Niÿde, Canik. There was almost a hint of hesitation as to whether I was with the persons disguised as the Hey'et-i Temsiliye. In fact, Servet Bey from Trabzon called me personally to the machine after he misunderstood the notification signed by the Committee of Representatives and had many misconceptions about the quality and quantity of the said delegation. After being seen, he said that all these discussions stemmed from the fact that the signature was placed on a delegation as an ambiguous personality. That's why this signature issue is yours.

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It was the subject of discussion at the Committee of Representatives before you declared it brotherly. Since the Hey'et-i Temsiliye was not the executive committee of a secret committee, but was composed of representatives of a legal official association that had received the official permission of the government, the procedure for signing resolutions and communiqués by a responsible person was deemed necessary in accordance with the relevant law. The inconveniences that may arise from the illegal situation that the Hey'et-i Temsiliye will fall into by giving a general and vague name to its communiqués and publications were deemed more dangerous than the inconveniences that may arise due to finding signatures for the harmful propagandas that those who oppose the national movement are actually making, and as a result, it was decided unanimously to sign a signature. was taken under. Despite this decision, this time, upon your brotherly warning, I proposed to the Representative Committee to discuss the issue once again. Due to the thoughts and opinions that had been put forward before, they decided unanimously to write down the same, stating that the things written were based on the decision of the Committee of Representatives. Since it is about me personally, I found it appropriate to remain neutral in this meeting. In principle, once it was accepted for one person to sign, it was possible for someone else to sign instead of me. At this point, the objections put forward by the delegation are as follows: The whole world knows that I'm in this business. Today, when the notification is started with someone else's signature and my name disappears, it will be thought that there is a disagreement and separation between us, or it will be thought that I am in an illegitimate situation, which is afraid to appear, and therefore what is done is illegitimate. Let's put that aside, if a friend who can be believed and trusted by everyone shows up with his own signature, the inconveniences that are in question for me today will also be in question for that friend tomorrow. In that case, it will be necessary to follow a sequence that will be a sign of weakness for us as a result, just as he withdrew and someone else started to sign in his place. I don't know to what extent do you find this path correct? Indeed, your person was seen as a target of attack, especially at the beginning of the work. However, the expected attacks from both inside and outside were made, and all of them, thank God, resulted in accordance with our purpose. The Istanbul Government and those who want our evil have been defeated in every attempt. As for foreigners; Very serious contacts were made with the Americans, the French and the British; their authorized officers who came to Sivas have been in our favor and have entered into good relations with us. They informed us that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, in which we are also a member, was not a movement born out of the provocation of one or two people, but a general movement of a national nature, in a report to the authorities they are affiliated with.

Also, due to the known immorality in our country, it is not possible to prevent the rumors that some people with a dirty conscience spread about those who more or less took the lead in such actions. This emotional behavior is the same in every nation. The only remedy considered here against such inconveniences is our unwavering solidarity and sincerity, not for a moment's hesitation in marching towards our lofty goal. It is also known by you, my brother, that I prefer to act with the unity of conscience and heart of all my esteemed friends, not my personal views, in our works and actions related to the public interest. However, I expect you to report other thoughts that may come to my brother's mind on this matter, and I kiss your eyes with the utmost respect and sincerity, my brother. Mustafa Kemal

Gentlemen, after September 12, 1919, when we stopped communicating with the Istanbul Government, various memoranda and declarations were written to the Sultan, the representatives of foreign states, the Istanbul Municipality and the whole press, on different dates between the dates of the fall of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet.

STATEMENT OF THE PADISAH

You will remember that with a general announcement dated 20 September 1919 signed by Grand Vizier Damat Ferit Pasha, a declaration of the Sultan was also published. I would like to remind the remarkable points of this statement. I will point these points in order: 1- As a result of the government's policy, the disasters that took place in Izmir attracted the attention of European states and civilized nations and aroused love for us.

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2 - A special delegation started an impartial investigation on the spot. Our right is laid before the eyes of the civilized world. 3 - There was no decision or proposal that would disrupt our national unity.

4 - It is declared by some people as if there is a so-called disagreement between the people and the government.

5 - This situation will delay the elections, which we want to be held as soon as possible within the conditions of the law, and will delay the convening of the Parliament, whose existence is indispensable at a time when peace is approaching. 6 - What I expect from my citizens today is to fully comply with the government's orders. 7 - The entitlement sentiments of the great powers, the prudence of the European and American public opinion strengthen my hope for a peace that will soon protect our position and dignity.

It is also known by your high committee that the publication and distribution of this statement took place in the days when we cut off the communication and relations between the country and the Istanbul Government and insisted on this point. Presumably, if the instructions and general orders we gave were followed, this declaration should not have been taken from anywhere and should not have been read by the nation. However, from a telegram I will present now, it has been understood that this declaration, which is contrary to our decisions and communiqués and totally contradictory to our opinion, was taken from some places.

The statement that the Commander of Trabzon Region had the grace to publish against the nation of His Highness the Sultan should be immediately announced to the officials and the people of the city. Until those who do not understand how arrogantly the treacherous government at work is still deceiving our angelic Sultan, our Master, should learn it thoroughly. In this declaration, which shows how much love and protection their blessed hearts are for the nation and their country, the most striking point is that the complaint submitted by the people to the Caliphate about the treacherous act of the cabinet has not reached His Excellency the Sultan's knowledge. Because, the sincerity of expression in the blessed declaration is the biggest witness that they would not have kept these traitors in their place even for a minute if they had seen and known the treacherous dagger directed directly by the cabinet members against the nation and the homeland. Because these traitors know this fact, they do not directly confront our Caliph with the nation. In this case, the duty of the nation is to show its endless love and devotion to its glorious sultan by repeating one after another, and that the whole nation and army, as an inseparable whole, are trying to save the nation's existence and the country, but this treacherous cabinet did not take this legitimate action of the nation to our Master, our Sultan. As it was decided yesterday, it is to present and announce to the Caliphate office without using any intermediary, the fact that they have shown it completely oppositely by hiding it from Allah. The copy of the telegram that the people of Erzurum will write on this road will be notified there. 21.9.1919 Kazÿm Karabekir, Commander of the 15th Corps

Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha also informed us of this telegram with the following note: Do you have high thoughts about it? This holy declaration gave the nation the opportunity to declare the truth against its sultan. The people of Erzurum will again be exposed to peace by repeating all the murders of the cabinet. I will present a copy of this to your delegation, either for drawing or for information.

Kazim Karabekir The view we gave in response to this at the beginning of the machine was:

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It is well known that the documents related to the murderous deeds and actions of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet had previously heard that the deceptive statement was being prepared in the Sublime Porte. Even so, it is not possible to obtain a judgmental conclusion by comparing this notification with the sultan's declaration and to grasp the real situation. In this respect, and since we had already heard that such a deceptive statement was being prepared in the Sublime Porte, we found it appropriate not to be taken from Istanbul in order to prevent it from clouding the minds of the nation. We thought that this declaration, which was given from the Sublime Porte with Ferit Pasha's note, not directly from the Palace, was not received from anywhere, as it was in Sivas, Ankara, Kastamonu and other centers, since the official communication with Istanbul had already been cut off. In order to receive this declaration, the nation should have been allowed to explain the situation and the truth to the sultan. For this reason, we do not find it useful to mediate the dissemination of the message and its announcement to everyone. There is so much that, since this declaration has been read by the relevant people in centers such as Trabzon, Erzurum and Sivas, it would be appropriate to send a telegram to Istanbul from each center, as we thought. Mustafa Kemal In order to prevent, to some extent, the negative impact of this declaration of the Sultan, which there is no doubt, on the public opinion, we thought that the only way out was to write a reply to the Sultan in a way that would refute and refute the ideas contained in this declaration, and to spread it to the country, and we did so.

HALÿT BEY TO ESTABLISH A NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN TRABZON AND ITS SURROUNDINGS ASSIGNMENT

Gentlemen, I have come to the conclusion that one or two people in Trabzon, the very patriotic and respectable people of Trabzon, tried to represent the national existence there on their behalf, even though they had no knowledge of it, and therefore national initiatives and decisions were not properly implemented or not. I understood that a person named Galip Bey, who was the governor of Trabzon, also played a role in creating a negative trend. Thereupon, it was found appropriate that Halit Bey, who was in Torul near Trabzon and had not yet started his division, be assigned to establish a national organization around Trabzon, and this thought was reported to the Corps Commander. In the reply received on September 20, 1919, it was stated that the situations that may arise due to the nature of Halit Bey, who was hiding against the British, would not be fulfilled even if Halit Bey made an exposure without my knowledge, after some thoughts that perhaps it would not be possible to be corrected at this delicate time.

In our response to this telegram of Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, we stated that the British impediment could not be in question, and since the violent and decisive action was deemed objectionable, the correction of the situation in Trabzon depends on what and what kind of measure it should be taken directly by the female, 22 September 1919. We requested a coded telegram dated At the same time that we made these communications with the Commander of the 15th Corps, Lieutenant Colonel Halit Bey from Torul also began to communicate directly with us. We responded in order not to leave him unanswered and to clarify the situation. We have received a coded telegram dated September 27, 1919 from the Commander of the 15th Corps, which, in a way, is a reply to our telegram dated September 22, 1919. In this, after first doing the task of enlightening the people and drawing them to the right path; He stated that if those who oppose are seen, he applies the same principle, which consists of treating them as they deserve, and which has been obtained with great experience, in the vicinity of Trabzon, and that he sent the 9th Division Commander Rüÿtü Bey to Trabzon with the deputy of the 3rd Division Command, together with his staff. After declaring that he did not find Halit Bey suitable for Trabzon, when it comes to the opinion of the British, the opinion was put forward that I would prefer to avoid open and certain hostility as long as possible.

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In my private reply to this on September 29, 1919, I wrote: It has also been enlightened about what the people think in the province of Trabzon. Except for the center of Trabzon, all districts and sanjaks are communicated. The tense situation in the center also disappeared after the governor was arrested and removed (it was Halit Bey, on my orders, who arrested the governor and sent him to Erzurum under custody). I will present the points that came to my mind when Rüÿtü Bey was sent to Trabzon as the Deputy of the 3rd Division Command. First of all, it was Halit Bey who arrested the governor. Sending Rüÿtü Bey in this way a few days later may be like criticizing Halit Bey's action against the malicious people there. Secondly, while Halit Bey was waiting to lead his division in delicate situations, he may be saddened to see another person succeed in the serious and historical moments we are going through today. I urge you to abandon this attitude. However, I do not wish to interfere in the military affairs of your corps.

In the long reply dated 2 October 1919 given by Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, he stated that this process was made upon the application of Halit Bey and that he was invited to Erzurum to explain the situation to him thoroughly. However, on October 1, 1919, the last sentences of a special code sent to my Chief Aide-de-camp Cevat Abbas Bey, with the signature of 3rd Division Adjutant First Lieutenant Tarÿk, were as follows: Recently, Commander Bey asked the corps to change the current command status of the 3rd Division. If the corps does not accept and fulfill this offer, I submit that it will take command without orders and will leave the corps in accordance with the previous decision and be directly at the disposal of congress. Enlighten His Highness Pasha as necessary, sir.

It was fifteen days after that date. I received the following telegram dated 17 October 1919 from Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha : For the realization and fulfillment of the national aspiration in my own region, I consider it extremely necessary for the discipline of the future to stay in the military and to comply with the requirements of the chain of command up to the last point. Even if the result is very bright, it has been seen with examples that this is reversed and useless in places and works where boldness and farsightedness cannot be reconciled. There is a great need for the chain of command to be valued and to be vigilant and far-sighted, especially in the vicinity of Trabzon, where British and French representatives are located.

Unfortunately, despite my clear instructions, Halit Bey's strangeness by himself and by arresting the governor in his military attire was legendary. (I have presented the person who directed Halit Bey to this job). If he acts in this way about the elections, it will be inevitable for him to make another exit to the British and to be in a difficult situation (Halit Bey and many other people were especially requested to help and make efforts in order to speed up the election issue and bring it to a conclusion in line with the national demand.

Let me also admit that you have not been able to understand what kind of situation the exit to be made by the British could create inevitably, considering your own situation. For this reason, I request your mediation in the fulfillment of your high desires by not communicating with the person mentioned. If the personality of the person mentioned is beyond any claim, it is requested that your high thoughts about being elected as a deputy from any region be reported.

I only replied to this telegram on 19 October 1919: As I do not know Halit Bey's inclinations to be a member of parliament or not, I cannot give my opinion on this matter, sir.

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Gentlemen, the problems we faced in the 9 days until the fall of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet were varied. Obstacles and difficulties were not few. Trying to enumerate and explain all of these can make your higher delegation very tired. For this reason, I will only touch on some points that I think will complete this phase.

Upon Ali Galip's recommendation, Osman Nuri Bey, who was understood to have been appointed as the Governor of Dersim by the Istanbul Government and came to Sivas, was detained in Sivas on 8 September. Ankara Governor Muhittin Pasha, who was revealed to have acted treacherous against the national movement, went on a trip with a certain purpose. He was in Çorum on 13 September. Orders were given to the Corps Commander in Ankara and the 5th Caucasian Division Commander in Samsun to capture Muhittin Pasha and send him to Sivas under protection. Muhittin Pasha was brought to Sivas as a prisoner. I spoke to him personally. After the necessary advice and warning, I sent him to Istanbul via Samsun, out of respect for his age. The Governor of Çorum Samih Fethi Bey was also invited to Sivas privately three or four days later.

On September 15, the Division Command was given an order in Niÿde to send the Niÿde Governor, his accountant and his commissioner to Sivas as protected.

REPLACEMENT OF THE GOVERNOR OF KASTAMONU BY THE GOVERNMENT OF ISTANBUL AND THE RESULT OF THIS

EVENT

Gentlemen, ÿbrahim Bey, who was the governor in Kastamonu, was a person personally known by Colonel Kazÿm Bey, who was my chief of staff when I was an army inspector. For this reason, all kinds of secrets were told to him. There was encrypted communication between us. He was invited to Istanbul by the Istanbul Government. While he should not have fulfilled this invitation, he left Kastamonu to be arrested in Istanbul with incomprehensible reasons and thoughts. Istanbul had appointed someone else as governor of Kastamonu instead of ÿbrahim Bey. This person had arrived in ÿnebolu in September. We ordered the authorities there to arrest him. There was a little interesting thing about it. Let me explain in detail: When signs of laxity and weakness began to be seen in Kastamonu region and Kastamonu city center, I asked Ali Fuat Pasha, who was in Ankara, to send a reliable and powerful officer to Kastamonu. Fuat Pasha, as Kastamonu Regional Commander, Colonel Osman. He had sent Mr. Osman Bey arrived in Kastamonu exactly on September 16. We were waiting for the execution of the order we gave for the newly arrived governor. After I gave the order I presented, he was waiting for information about the implementation and execution at the beginning of the telegram. It was night. I couldn't find anyone from Kastamonu to talk to me and give me the information I wanted. Finally, on the night of 16/17 September, the Commander of Kastamonu and its Surroundings, Colonel Osman Bey, came to the Kastamonu telegraph office and gave the following telegram:

I came to Kastamonu today. I was arrested in my home by the vote of the men of the Istanbul Government, the deputy governor and the Gendarmerie Commander. With the help of our patriotic officers, I am now saved. I also arrested the deputy governor and the Gendarmerie Regiment Commander together. I occupied the telegraph office. The situation here is important. I beg the Congress to enlighten the people of Kastamonu by giving information about all the decisions it has taken here. It was reported that the new governor had landed in ÿnebolu. What action will be taken against him? Here, I submit that the national congress gives me the authority to appoint the deputy governor and others and that I am waiting for the answer to my request right now at the machine.

Our meeting with Mr. Osman at the machine continued as follows. I asked him:

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"Now do you have control over the situation there? How much power do you have? Who is reliable among the notables of the province there? What is the name of the newly appointed governor who was informed that he had arrived in ÿnebolu?" Osman Bey's answer was: I am still in a dominant position. In any case, the congress should help me and enlighten me. It is said that the appointed governor is a very old person retired from the Konya governorship. His name is Ali Riza. My force consists of a two-hundred and fifty-man battalion and a heavy machine company with four rifles. The public has not yet been contacted. There is Defterdar Ferit Bey, one of the notables of the province."

I gave the following order to Osman Bey: "Now you take the deputy governorship upon yourself. You are fully authorized to hold all military and civil forces in your hands: Take swift measures to arrest the incoming governor immediately. Have them use weapons without hesitation against those who openly oppose what we are doing. Provincial treasurer If it is Ferit Bey, whom I know from Diyarbakir, he should help you. Tell the governor of Bolu right now about the situation and authority you have received and tell him to act in the same way against Istanbul. What encryption key do you have with you?"

Osman Bey's answer: "I will give the deputy governorship to Treasurer Ferit Bey, I will not be able to take over myself. It is Ferit Bey you know. You know the governor of Sinop; he has been dismissed. Deputy Gendarmerie Battalion Commander Remzi Bey. It is reported that Mazhar Tevfik Bey is in Sinop. The cipher key is in the prisoner's regiment commander; It has been asked, I will present it according to the answer I will receive, sir."

"Do you have any other encryption keys with you? Where is Ferit Bey now? Does he have any information about the situation?" I asked. "He has no knowledge of the situation, now he has been summoned, he will come. I never received the encryption key because I did not know that I would be arrested, I was hoping to write with the authority code." gave the answer. "Who is the gendarmerie battalion commander there; how many gendarmerie forces are there; is he under your command?" I wrote the question. To this he replied: "The Gendarmerie Commander Emin Bey cooperated with me and with me. The number of gendarmes in the center is about thirty-five. Police Chief Halil Bey also cooperated with me and with me. The number of policemen is forty. Infantry Battalion Commander ÿerif Bey has been arrested for now because he is a bit of a fool. Gendarmerie Battalion Commander Emin Bey is a captain. Defterdar Ferit Bey has come, he is with me." You know Emin, from Skopje, from 1902 (318) to the question "Can you tell me a little bit about Emin Bey?" They also kiss your hands." So I printed the following lines: "I know Emin Efendi, thank you. Did you explain the situation to Ferit Bey? Important matters can be reported with the code of the office. If the Gendarme Commander, who is the deputy governor of Sinop, is not found reliable, the necessary measures should be considered to appoint someone who is deemed appropriate to replace him. He needs help. do you?"

Osman Bey replied, "I will tell you later whether I need the force; since the Gendarmerie Battalion Commander has just arrived, his situation could not be understood, sir." After I asked Osman Bey if he had anything else to say and whether they had evaluated the situation with Ferit Bey, I had him write the following telegram:

To Osman Bey and Ferit Beyefendi I wish you success in the measures to be taken and the work to be done. We expect you to inform us of your situation and the arrest of the incoming governor. (Mustafa Kemal)

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KASTAMONU IS TAKING ACTION AGAINST ISTANBUL

Ferit Bey, acting governor; Colonel Osman Bey, a day or two after he started to operate as the commander of Kastamonu and its surroundings, I called them to the telegraph again and asked for information. While it was reported that telegrams were sent to the necessary authorities in Istanbul, as requested and with the signature of the people, and that these telegrams were announced to all provinces and sanjaks, some questions were also asked. For instance, the people said: 1 - Is the public opinion of other provinces not with us? 2 - How long will this extraordinary situation last? 3 - What measures were ordered against the resistance of the cabinet? Please enlighten us, Pasha!" Taking into account that these questions posed on behalf of the people were occupying the minds of the deputy governor and commander-in-chief, it was worth the weariness to answer according to him. For this, long information was given and explanations were made, which occupied the Sivas - Kastamonu wire for hours. I can summarize these statements as follows:

1- National cohesion is strong and fierce in every corner of the country. The people, up to the smallest villages of all provinces, and all our armies, even the smallest unit, are implementing and carrying out the announced decisions with full sensitivity and in full unity. To answer the public's second and third questions:

2 - Whenever the people of Kastamonu find this situation unusual and do not hesitate to endure until we reach our goal, getting rid of the weakness of worrying, then this extraordinary situation will disappear by itself. It is natural for the cabinet to resist. Before embarking on any other countermeasures against it, let us consider the means of applying our first precaution properly and everywhere strictly. For example, what has been done about the situation of Bolu? Are we sure that all the places up to the Bolu section have been cut off from official communications with Istanbul? Regarding this, the information we were waiting for has not yet arrived. Here, if this measure is extended to Istanbul, I think that the cabinet will no longer have the strength to resist. However, if they want to continue a very ignorant and very foolish obstinacy after this, it is probably possible to implement more effective measures.

After that, it was understood from the information given by the governor and the commander that the new governor, who was sent back to Istanbul from ÿnebolu, received an order from the Minister of Internal Affairs in Zonguldak: "Bolu and its surroundings are free. Go to Zonguldak. Communicate with the necessary places in the province and wait there until the last order." Indeed, the new governor stayed in Zonguldak and started to intimidate people.

Ferit and Osman Beys ordered the governor of Zonguldak to arrest the new governor and send him to Kastamonu by land. The governor did not do this. However, the new governor, who learned the situation, could not take shelter there and returned to Istanbul.

ALI FUAT PASHA, COMMANDER OF THE WEST ANATOLIA KUVA-YI NATIONALITY

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On one occasion, I have stated that the Commander of the 20th Corps, Ali Fuat Pasha, had taken some decisions and made preparations on behalf of the congress. Ali Fuat Pasha was given the title of "Commander of the Western Anatolian National Forces" by the congress. Pasha accepted Eskiÿehir and its surroundings as a national region and appointed Cavalry Lieutenant Colonel Atÿf Bey, Afyonkarahisar vicinity as a national region, and appointed 23rd Division Commander Ömer Lütfi Bey to his command. I mentioned in my statements from those days that this division was contacted and taken care of in the first days of our arrival in Anatolia. The Istanbul Government had appointed and sent Hamdi Pasha instead of Fuat Pasha. Hamdi Pasha came to Eskiÿehir. There he was informed that he had to return to Istanbul on September 16. The British arrested Atÿf Bey, the Commander of the National Forces in the Eskiÿehir Region, and sent him to Istanbul. A person who was the Commander of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye should have taken measures not to easily fall into the hands of the enemy. Heedlessness and imprudence in this matter required us to make one attempt after another for a long time to save him. As you know, there were British troops in Eskiÿehir at that time. Fuat Pasha had gone to Cemÿit, close to Eskiÿehir, with the national forces he could muster. He turned Eskiÿehir from afar. The expressions used in a letter sent by the Allied Forces Commander General Solly Flood (Soli Flud) in Eskiÿehir to Fuat Pasha and the way the Kuva-yÿ Milliye was introduced, acted against the high honor and dignity of our national commanders and our National Forces. Since it was considered an attack and it was seen as outside the rights and influence of the aforementioned general, the political representatives of the Entente Powers in Istanbul were drawn to the attention of a memorandum. On September 25, 1919, a delegation consisting of a staff major and an Eskiÿehir British control officer sent by General Solly Flood to Fuat Pasha promised that the British would never interfere with our internal affairs and our National Struggle. At this time, the British wanted to know if we would be satisfied with the withdrawal of their forces from Merzifon. Of course, we said that we would be very pleased. Indeed, they withdrew their forces there with all their weight, first to Samsun, and then to Istanbul from there. After dominating Eskiÿehir, we were thinking of sending Fuat Pasha to Bilecik and Bursa regions.

GOVERNOR OF KONYA CEMAL BEY IS ESCAPE TO ISTANBUL AND THE PEOPLE OF KONYA ARE GOING TO ISTANBUL.

DON'T KNOW

Gentlemen, Cemal Bey, who was a governor in Konya, became an important mainstay of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet in Anatolia. The fact that the Army Inspector Cemal Pasha did not return to Istanbul, the indecisive attitude and behavior of the Corps Commander Selahattin Bey, and finally his departure to Istanbul without informing, left Konya and its surroundings under the rule of Governor Cemal Bey. It was necessary to send a person who understood the purpose well. It was found appropriate to send Refet Bey, who was with us when we were in Sivas. Refet Bey moved. When the news that a commander sent by the Representative Committee was coming in Konya, people full of patriotism were revived. However, on the other hand, Governor Cemal Bey wanted to make a force for himself by removing all the bloody murderers and detainees in the prison and arming them. Honorable people of Konya, revolted against this despicable act and decided to do what patriotism requires; Realizing this, Cemal Bey fled to Istanbul on September 26. The people gathered in the Municipality and appointed Hoca Vehbi Efendi as the deputy governor.

SOME OFFERINGS FROM REFET BEY

Gentlemen, this is a remarkable point. I remember now. I will not be able to pass without presenting it to your high delegation. I received a special telegram from Refet Bey from a telegraph center on the Sivas-Konya road.

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In this telegram, Refet Bey was informing that he should be given the title and authority of the Second Army Inspector in order to be successful in Konya and its surroundings. He asked me to be given the title of pasha on the grounds that it would have a significant influence on him. There was no need to explain that I did not have an official position and authority to fulfill both the first and second wishes of Refet Bey at that time: Can it be doubted that Refet Bey, in particular, knew this very well? It could not be said that Refet Bey indirectly wanted me to act as an intermediary for the Istanbul Government in order to fulfill these wishes. Because it was known to the world that, aside from having resigned from the army inspectorship and military service, I was also expelled by the Sultan and the Istanbul Government and sentenced to death. My work was in a delegation elected by a congress, that is, in a Representative Committee and on its behalf. If there was an official title and authorization condition to work for the national cause and especially to achieve success in this regard, I did not have that condition myself. Once the situation and conditions I was in were understood, it was natural that title and authority could not be expected from me in order to achieve success.

In fact, when we sent Mr. Refet to Konya, we gave him full and broad authorization for all work and activities fit for purpose. Its use and finding its place depended on the personal power and power he would show.

While the masters were trying to direct all sides to operate and to establish national organizations, we were also receiving telegrams from some civil administration chiefs who served the purpose of the Istanbul Government, which could be a so-called spiritual intimidation. For instance, it was stated by a person named Ali Riza, the Governor of Urfa, that what we did was regarded as an attack against the Entente Powers, therefore, the entire Ottoman country would be under military occupation by the Entente Powers and the Turkish Government would be put to an end, based on the information he obtained as a result of the contact and Reconciliation was proposed with the cabinet. There was no doubt that this telegram was dictated to the governor by foreigners. This was, of course, appropriately responded to.

THE GENERAL HARBORD TEAM AND MY RESPONSE TO THE GENERAL

Gentlemen, as you may remember, the American Government sent a delegation under the presidency of General Harbord to conduct investigations in our country and in the Caucasus. This delegation came to Sivas. On September 22, 1919, we spoke at length with General Harbord. To the General, National I made detailed and documented statements on the purpose and purpose of the struggle, the reason for the emergence of the national organization and unity, the feelings shown towards non-Muslim minorities, and the destructive propaganda and actions of foreigners in our country. I also encountered some strange questions from the General. For example: "People, what will you do if success is not achieved after resorting to all kinds of attempts and sacrifices that can be devised?" like. If I remember correctly, I said in the answer I gave: A nation succeeds after making every conceivable attempt and sacrifice in order to save its existence and independence. So, as long as the nation lives and continues its self-sacrificing attempts, there can be no question of failure.

I didn't want to explore what might be the real purpose behind this general's question. However, I would like to state that the answer I gave was appreciated by him, by the way.

MEDIAMENTS OF ABDULKERÿM PASHA

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Gentlemen, on the evening of the 25th of September, Deputy Corps Commander Mahmut, who was in Ankara In an encrypted telegram I received from Mr., the following was stated: Tonight, they asked Fuat Pasha from the Istanbul telegraph office to head the telegram. They printed a code with the provincial code of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Summary of this: The salvation of the homeland will only be facilitated by acting in accordance with the most correct guidance in the Sultan's declaration. The National Struggle was reflected in the world of civilization as disgusting aims. The separation between the government and the nation will lead to the involvement of foreigners. While the conference decides for us, this disagreement will not be a sign of goodness and salvation. As a result, meeting with high figures to meet with the leaders of the movement, instead of being notified, is turned into a fait accompli, and due to time constraints, an immediate response is expected. He exaggeratedly adds that differences of opinion will be treated with respect, personal and honor will not be touched. The person who wrote the telegram is Abdülkerim Pasha, one of the Brigadier Generals of the General Staff. He is waiting for a reply to this telegram through the Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, Hadi Pasha, with the same password. It is understood that the person mentioned is trying to announce and spread the application by using such a trick. Since they are waiting at the beginning of the telegram, they are asked to inform as soon as possible whether it will be accepted or not. It was also written to His Holiness Ali Fuat Pasha.

In the telegram I gave to Mahmut Bey at the machine after 19.00 on the same day, I informed Kerim and Hadi Pasha that Fuat Pasha was not in Ankara and was busy, You should be careful when registering that it is possible to meet with Et-i Temsiliye and Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who is in this delegation, as they wish (if they want to meet).

Mahmut Bey wrote to us exactly the telegram that Kerim Pasha sent to Ankara. The contents were roughly what Mahmut Bey summarized. Gentlemen, we are on the fifteenth day of our interruption of communication with the Istanbul Government. Some places, which were in opposition to the national decision, were forced to comply with the national trend. Every day, telegrams from the whole country about the request to overthrow the government began to be sent to Istanbul. The officers and officers of the Entente Powers, who were wandering around Anatolia, began to openly say everywhere that they were neutral towards the National Struggle and did not interfere in the internal situation of the country. In the face of this situation, the Sultan and Ferit Pasha, now the National Taking into account that there is no other way out but to reconcile with the leaders of the struggle, I believe that it would not be wrong to conclude that they started to look for possibilities that could be a way of reconciliation, provided that they probably retain their positions. Gentlemen, the aforementioned late Abdulkerim Pasha was a very old friend of mine. He was a very honest, diligent, purehearted patriot. In Thessaloniki, I worked in the same office as that major, and we had been special friends for years. From the demeanor and condition of the deceased, it was understood that he belonged to a cult. It was also seen that he continued some lodges. However, no one knows about his loyalty to any sheikh. Because, in terms of the spiritual degree he carried in his beliefs and conscientious evaluations, he would regard himself as a great honor, and he would bestow rank, such as a pole, to those who were in his circle of friendship, in accordance the talent he saw in points the other person. He used "qutbu'l-akdab". Wewith will come across these in our meeting, whichtoI call will me explain now. Kerim Pasha had a unique way of speaking and writing. Kerim Pasha spoke and wrote very sincerely and with a high rhetorical power that brought him great fame in his time. It was also thought that he had the power and power of persuasion, and he was accepted as such. Hadi Pasha, who had been there as an army commander and army inspector while we were in Thessaloniki, recognized Kerim Pasha as a well-liked and respected person among his friends, with the qualifications I explained.

Here, Ferit Pasha's cabinet friend, Hadi Pasha, wanted to come to the rescue of the stuck Sultan and Ferit Pasha in a very convenient way. Kerim Pasha also knew Ali Fuat Pasha from Thessaloniki.

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Gentlemen, on the night of 27/28 September 1919, one hour before midnight, we came face to face with Kerim Pasha at the beginning of the telegraph. The two sides recognized each other in the following words:

Sivas - Mustafa Kemal Pasha is in charge of the telegraph. They say tell Kerim Pasha, they will welcome you. Istanbul - High personalities, are you His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, my soul? I - Yes, His Holiness Kerim Pasha, after saying: Kerim Pasha - He had his address written "To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Sivas" and said, "Tell Pasha, soon, Hazrat Evvel is in front of you." He added his words as a kind of password. Kerim Pasha: "I hope that his personal health is well, my brother." he began. In order to understand how Kerim Pasha was deceived by the Istanbul Government by taking advantage of the purity of his heart and the beauty of his morals, I will have him repeat the beginning of his words as they were. The late Kerim Pasha continued as follows: "For the sake of the country, I would like to meet with my great patriotic brother and my esteemed representative brothers. I sent a telegram through Ali Fuat Pasha to be delivered to the soil of your feet. Here, I hope we will find a pleasing solution on the principles in that telegram that reached your person's hand. By the grace of Allah, we can easily bring to light the delicate and very important confused period that the country is going through. For this reason, let's combine our wishes for the homeland by talking about important things with the heart guide of your saving ambitions, created from the grace of Allah and light, right? Very understanding and cautious brother! What do you say, my soul? Let's prevent bad intentions from slandering and openly doing evil on this beautiful country, let's leave them crippled and lifeless in the ambush of their hopes, Let's combine the services and works of the government and the nation only related to the salvation of the homeland. Because the common and supreme purpose is always one. Let's get rid of the difficulties of the situation we are in, in order to state once again that all these noble responses with the idea of homeland are the greatest patriotism regarding the protection of our sacred lands against the world of civilization, and let's start meeting with this saintly brother of yours to find a solution, I'm waiting. I would add, my soul, that the government has shown a great deal of benevolence regarding my undertaking!

Gentlemen, this meeting with Kerim Pasha, which started at 23.00 before midnight on 27/28 September, lasted for eight and a half hours until 07.30 in the morning. This meeting, which can be divided into three main points, filled twenty-five pages of large sheets of paper called Esercedit. I'm afraid to abuse your patience by reading all of this here. I will include this speech as it is among the documents I will publish so that the late Kerim Pasha's sweet words and pompous phrases, which, although contrary to his firm views and his own belief, are unfortunately not based on strong logic, can be read and listened to.

I will touch on each of these points a little if you allow me to give a brief idea about the goals pursued by both sides and the main points they are based on, especially in terms of the outcome in this meeting.

It will be seen that while responding to Kerim Pasha's first telegram that I have presented for your information, I have adapted to his style and style. In my answer, I also started like this: After I started saying, "Say "kutbü'l-akdab" to His Holiness Kerim Pasha, he will understand," I said, "I am answering now." "To my esteemed and pure-hearted brother. His Excellency Abdulkerim Pasha. Thank God, I am in good health. I am very happy to see that our great and noble nation has become conscious of its legitimate rights and has undertaken with all its might to protect and defend it...

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We sincerely thank you for the willingness shown in this matter... We have learned the contents of the telegram sent through Fuat Pasha ... With a little reflection and examination, the issues put forward in the declaration accepted as the basis point are a shout and a resentment directed against Ferit Pasha and his friends. is clear to understand. The situations and behaviors that caused deep sorrow in the heart of the Sultan were not caused by our nation, but by Ferit Pasha, Minister of Internal Affairs Adil Bey, Minister of War Süleyman ÿefik Pasha and their colleagues, Harput Governor Ali Galip Bey, Ankara Governor Muhittin Pasha, Trabzon Governor Galip Bey, Kastamonu Governor It was revealed by the evils committed by Ali Rÿza Bey and Konya Governor Cemal Bey.

If the betrayal attempt in Malatya, the treacherous plot in Çorum, and the bloody attempt in Konya have not reached your knowledge with their insides, we will excuse you for the inaccuracy at the point where you consider your personalities as the beginning of a solution... It is entirely true that the views of strangers have turned in our favour. However, this turn was never the result of the policy of the Ferit Pasha Government. This result is the result of our nation's determined attempt to show and prove its existence. This is why they are deceiving Zatishahana.

The solution to salvation and the principle of survival is only in the adoption of the leadership of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and the dominance of the national will. The slightest deviation from this solid and legitimate foundation, God forbid, will bring a painful destruction for our state, nation and homeland. It is a fact that there are many vile people with bad intentions who do not hesitate to abuse the noble struggle of our nation and promote it as such. However, the point that will be met with deep regret is that the grand vizier of our state, Ferit Pasha, who will live forever, and statesmen such as Adil Bey, Süleyman ÿefik Pasha, who held the posts of minister, were among those who thought of nothing but this evil.

It is these unfortunate people who have officially declared and spread that Bolsheviks have entered our country in teams and that the National Struggle is a Bolshevik struggle. It is these heedless people who officially and openly tell the whole world and foreign journalists that our noble and clean National Struggle was the last struggle and bloody action of the Unionists and was carried out with their money. It is these ignorant people who officially declared that there was chaos in Anatolia through the press and who want to invade our dear homeland according to the special article of the Armistice Agreement. It is these poor people who want to drag the Muslim people of Malatya and the Muslim people of Sivas to strait with each other. It is these traitors who want foreigners to occupy Sivas and every place where there is a national sense, in order to prevent the National Struggle. However, our highest aim is to break the slanders and blasphemy they openly carry out against this beautiful country, just as you, my brother, think, and to make them blind and lifeless in the ambush of their own hopes, and to unite the activities of the state and the nation only on the point of the salvation of the homeland. . Thanks to Almighty God, in the realization of this goal, our nation has now overcome all signs of bad faith and, with all its heroism, has taken decisive and irreversible steps. Even foreigners understood the widespread power and final decision of the nation, but how degenerate and helpless the government of Istanbul was. They evacuated Merzifon. They also started to evacuate Samsun. internal affairs and national They say they will remain neutral towards our Struggle. This is the first result achieved by our national initiatives in securing our independence. The national movement will reach a conclusion by ensuring that the provisions of the Kanun-ÿ Esasi are complied with in Istanbul.

Please allow me to suggest that it is not correct to assume that the present government has a large degree of benevolence.

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While I was still in Erzurum, I explained the truth and the situation to Ferit Pasha and wrote that there was no force left to oppose the power and will of the nation; I warned him that he should not continue on the path of resistance and obstruction. This heedless person did not respond to this, and declared that the national movement was the result of a few people's encouragement. Out of greed for self-interest, ignorance, heedlessness and blindness, he favored the deceptive reports of a few governors, who had the vain assumption that they could maintain their positions by managing both sides, above my immaculate and patriotic warnings. Today, after suffering all kinds of evil, treachery, incompetence and misery, and the nation having a clear understanding of all that is going on, our duty is to ensure that a new cabinet that will immediately adopt the national cause comes to power. If the current cabinet has any reservations about their persons and their lives, we consider it necessary for the benefit of our nation to give them the word and assurance they want on behalf of our nation, which is too condescending to deal with such things today. However, if they continue to stubbornly resist on the wrong path they take, the consequences will be theirs.

Due to this well-intentioned attempt made, I once again and lastly reported the situation to you, my brother Abdulkerim Pasha, whose heart is truly full of love for the homeland and nation, affection and devotion to the sultan, and whose brotherhood memories I always carry with respect, like his noble and high personalities. It has been instrumental in strengthening all kinds of peace of mind for us."

Gentlemen, what I have said so far is a summary of a single item. In the next article: "The National Struggle is advancing towards Istanbul with all its breadth. Ferit Pasha and his friends know this. After his personalities said, please, be enlightened by processing this information, I summarized the reports of the successful movements that were made in those days and said: stopping all these movements is only for one thing. It means that the presidency of the cabinet is given to a person who will adopt the national cause in its entirety, and that person understands this national cause and takes precautions accordingly". I said. After the sentence "If my brother has any thoughts, please let me know if you have any thoughts about all this", I put my signature on "Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Committee of Defense of Anatolia and Rumelia". After that, Kerim Pasha went on to the second point of our meeting with the entrance: "First, I would like you to kindly present and announce our greetings and respects to all the esteemed individuals who are with their selves." Kerim Pasha continued: "You have personally explained all the phases of the short conversation I started. You stated that I would be excused by saying that there were no hits in two places in terms of taking the matter to a solution. Although all the situations and events in various regions are not known, although it is difficult to arbitrate on a subject, it sheds light on the resolution of a matter related to the country, Since we are concerned about a clean homeland, our foundation is solid and clear. At this time, when the destiny of the homeland will be decided, I would like to express my wish that this will be easily resolved, taking into account the work to be done by a united nation and government. It is possible that I was wrong in understanding the Sultan's statement that you pointed out that I took as the starting point. Only, let me explain what the words of the Sultan include by explaining the collecting aspects in this high declaration, which is considered the main basis for the solution of matters. I think that our Sultan..." I immediately dictated the following, before Kerim Pasha continued:

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- His Excellency Kerim Pasha, over-explaining may distract both of us from the main purpose. Also, it is useless to bother too much with the interpretations of the Sultan's declaration. Please let's talk about the main topic.

Kerim Pasha replied: - We'll discuss the main issue. If you'll excuse us, let's continue, sir. I said - Please let's agree on the last word and proposal. Kerim Pasha - Yes, we will come there, sir.

FERIT PASHA CABINET SHOULD WITHDRAW

I continued to speak and said: "His Excellency, Kerim Pasha, we cannot bear to see that our legitimate works and national reactions are getting worse and need to be corrected, and that the illegitimate defenses of a cabinet member whose guilt and treachery have been revealed are taken as the basis in these corrections and changes. "I don't know, is it necessary to repeat it? If you want to mediate the Ferit Pasha Cabinet to pollute the state's highest grand viziership, against this national demand that needs to be finalized, your efforts will not yield any useful results. I worry that it will also shake our old brotherly feelings about him.

Now, if Ferit Pasha will leave his position to an honest person without losing a moment, and you believe this, then there is no problem waiting for a solution. Otherwise, your intercession will result in nothing but heartbreak and vain exhaustion. If Ferit Pasha continues to protect his position, he will face a very bitter end. The last and most definitive statement is this: Our purpose is to present this unshakable truth to the knowledge of the Sultan. Only by fulfilling this noble duty will you fulfill the religious and national duty that the homeland and nation expect from your high personality."

Kerim Pasha started by saying, "Of course not prolonging the word is the main purpose," and extended it more than necessary. These long words came to an end with the following sentence: "The attempt I made for the homeland, of course, remains adorned with all its nobility in the sight of Allah and the nation, and the almighty almighty God, who is the true owner of the business, completes the principles that will ensure the salvation of the nation and homeland by connecting them to those present. God is the solver of difficulties. I kiss your precious eyes. " It was my turn to reply again at 4:30 after midnight. I could not leave the points Kerim Pasha touched unanswered. So I put forward long thoughts and finally said: "Then, what should be the aim of the attempt of honorable and patriotic people like us and you? Ferit, whose administration is expected from every minute of his administration, nothing but preparing a new path of destruction for the nation and our future destiny. Is it to deal with the impossibility of reconciling between the pasha and the nation, or to seek a way to inform the Sultan that a new delegation capable of responding to the needs of the nation and the country should take over the state affairs instead of this illegitimate cabinet as soon as possible? If you answer yes or no to this question, you will have completed the aspect of your noble undertaking that is about us, which will undoubtedly remain valuable in the eyes of God and the nation with all its nobility."

Kerim Pasha gave a long answer to the short answer we asked for: But between these long words, he was telling us, in some sentences, that the sultan was not deceived and knew everything.

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In some sentences of Kerim Pasha, there were the following words: "The supreme sultan is the strict decision and solution authority, and in a legitimate state, this high office is the altar to which all members of the nation will turn. They informed me that all the wishes of Anatolia were announced to His Holiness the Caliph. In that case, our Sultan, who is a high station where the affairs of the nation will be directed and his wishes will be accepted, knows everything." Kerim Pasha ended his comments, which he continued with his own sentences, as follows: "The Great God will completely untie this difficult knot by creating and inculcating many high causes. Of course, God's command is beautiful and close. God's hand is superior to all hands. It will be beneficial. This is Kerim's belief, my dear soul."

This time, Masters, even though it had arrived at 6.10 after midnight, I caused the third phase to open.

I started by saying "The Great His Holiness", an expression that I know the deceased Kerim Pasha liked very much. : "Because it is the supreme altar of the ummah and nation, we did not hold back from trying to find a way to express the wishes of the nation. However, in order to save your person from a great mistake, let's say that the nation has no more certain confidence in the words that all the wishes of Anatolia were announced to the Caliph. Because the nation knows that the Sultan does not prefer a few people whose treachery has been revealed to the nation."

While answering the points that Kerim Pasha touched, I also said the following: "With the fulfillment of God's command, which is so beautiful and close, they hope that our unfortunate and persecuted noble nation will attain salvation and peace, with the hope of the protection of the Almighty God, which is as wide as the seas, and their horizons are always stubborn. We wait for the feelings of some people in Istanbul, which are surrounded by smoke, who resist the truth, to melt away.The noble soul of the nation is full of such feelings.

I only ask you to allow me to repeat, unfortunately, the questions that we asked to be answered as yes or no were left unanswered. My dear, the hand of God is above all hands. However, it was necessary to become a definite goal for those who attempted to overcome difficulties and solve problems..." The nation will fulfill God's command, and what we will achieve as a nation will be beneficial and auspicious as you commanded. is from the immortal God."

Mustafa Kemal Now it was clear that Kerim Pasha was tired. "After saying that the last two words are my soul, on condition that the principles of the national cause prevail and protect, the sincere wishes have been counted and poured out and that the hand of God has been used for the acceptance of the sublime verse with goodness by God, we bid farewell to God, we will meet again..." he wanted to withdraw. We didn't let go! We wanted to say the last word and said: "I am offering a final sentence for our brother to remember:

- The nation is strong, has grasped everything and is firmly determined on its path. The National Struggle is in a rapid development course. It is time for our Almighty and Loyal Sultan, our Lord, to make a decision and find a solution to the problem as a sign of his blessings and love. Gentlemen, the Ferit Pasha Cabinet only lasted for three days after that.

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According to what my friend, the late Kerim Pasha, with whom I could not meet, told some people, he succeeded in showing this meeting to the Sultan as it was, and upon this, his strength to resist was broken. This was also pointed out in Kerim Pasha's letter to Kara Vasÿf Bey, dated 8 November 1919.

In this letter of the deceased, there are these lines: "The former grand vizier submitted his resignation, believing that he should withdraw and all his strength of resistance was lost, after the last meeting, the constant impact and serious debates caused by this... Here he is quietly, working for his homeland and alone, immaculately. This is the great event that has been accomplished with his effort. It should be noted that I wrote these articles. After learning the results of all these meetings, the former grand vizier and our Sultan, His Holiness, made their decisions against the solid foundations on which they rested. . . The extent to which the attempt made and the writings included the important points and how the realities were put on paper with an honest conscience and sharp vision will of course remain as a value adorned with dignity in the sight of God and in the historical evaluation of the nation. .

The reasons that lead me to enumerate all these are to reveal the past events with their real faces..." At the end of the late Kerim Pasha's letter, if you do not spare the grace of sending a copy of my abu paper to the Committee of Representatives, the great truths will be published in full and together. You will be helping." However, the original of the letter was sent to me, not a copy. I will put this letter among the documents to be published. Sirs, the night after this meeting, that is, on September 28, the summary of the meeting was communicated to all corps with a code.

OFFER FROM TRABZON

In the first telegram sent by the late Kerim Pasha to Fuat Pasha, we saw that high-ranking figures in Istanbul met and spoke with the leaders of the struggle in a certain place. Similar to this, but on the contrary, an offer to go from Anatolia to Istanbul had already come out of Trabzon. If you will allow me to explain this a little bit: Trabzon Governor Galip Bey was in Ardasa on 18/19 September on an inspection duty. Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha's visit to Ardasa and meeting with the governor was a matter of crisis. We had a conversation with Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha at the beginning of the telegram on 19 September on this subject. The reason was a telegram dated September 18 I received from Trabzon. In this telegram I gave him as it was, it was stated: "We do not accept the six articles that distort the national interests (These six articles are the order to cut off relations with Istanbul). We believe that the delivery of our goods to Zatishahane can be achieved with a delegation to be sent there." Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha met with the Governor of Trabzon at the machine and gave his summary. The governor put forward some opinions in the form of a question. Karabekir Pasha gave appropriate responses. At the end, the governor said: "Although a delegation was sent to Istanbul and suggested that the situation be presented to the Sultan and that he should go with this delegation, he gave up on this idea, since we have now considered a solution to the problem through various means. It is suggested that the delegation should go and Zeki Bey, the representative of Gümüÿhane, who knows the situation of the palace well, should participate in it. Strangely enough, two days later, on September 21, 1919, in a code sent by Lieutenant Colonel Halit Bey in Torul, this delegation issue was also mentioned. In order not to throw the very suspicious Sultan into the arms of foreigners and Ferit Pasha, it would be appropriate to send a secret delegation to Istanbul, and if Servet and Zeki Beys were taken as representatives to this delegation, they would happily accept Zeki Bey. was reported orally. In my reply to Halit Bey on September 22, I informed him that it was not appropriate to send a delegation to Istanbul, which would include Zeki and Servet Bey. In a telegram I received from Halit Bey on September 24/25, I said, "I am reminded of Trabzon Governor Galip Bey, who is the head of the opposition in Trabzon, that the corps and Erzurum governor

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Since he did not accept his invitation and did not go to Erzurum, I sent him to Erzurum tonight (24/25 September) against necessity and with armed protection. Gentlemen, isn't it a strange coincidence that the first mediation telegram of the late Kerim Pasha, the day after the arrest of the governor of Trabzon, was in Trabzon with the governor, Zeki and Servet Bey, and the attempts of some people to cut off relations with Istanbul after their deception and On a day when the plans to go to Istanbul as a secret delegation were unsuccessful, that is, on September 25, it was filmed and it was necessary to call us only on the night of September 27/28. As it is understood from the form of the correspondence, Governor Galip Bey, who went to Erzurum, talked to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha about applying to Istanbul again through a delegation. Regarding this, we receive the Pasha's telegram dated 27 September to request an "acceptance". In the telegram sent in response to this on September 28, after the summary of my meeting with Kerim Pasha was given, "we kindly request you to let us know question whether is deemed the application necessary in or not. If necessary, the governor of Trabzon is no different from the Minister of Internal Affairs Adil Bey in opposing our National Struggle." In response to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha's response on September 30: "After accepting that our opinion that the governor of Trabzon should not be involved in such matters is appropriate, the long-awaited improvement " in the situation of Trabzon has taken place." was called.

Gentlemen, I would like to shed light on one more fact with the information I have presented. Trabzon Governor Galip Bey and Zeki Bey were in contact with the palace and Ferit Pasha. I think there is no doubt that their purpose in going to Istanbul as a delegation is not to serve the national cause, but to get new instructions by enlightening what is needed there and recommending some measures. As a matter of fact, when Zeki Bey later went to Istanbul, he was sent to establish organizations around Trabzon and Gümüÿhane, with a promise to send as much money and ammunition as necessary after him and with a special instruction. I had him arrested in ÿnebolu and brought to Ankara. He confessed to me all that he said. He only said that he was supposedly deceiving Istanbul and that he intended to hand over the money and weapons to us. Can there be naive people who would believe that day and even today? However, I respected the memory of the relationship at the Erzurum Congress, and was content to give only necessary warnings and advice, and released him.

THE FIRST BOZKIR EVENT AND THE RESISTANCE OF THE IZMIT MUTASSARRIFI

Gentlemen, we sent Sait Pasha, who was sent to Konya by the Istanbul Government as a corps commander, to Istanbul on 30 September. In order to prevent the first Steppe incident organized by the fugitive Cemal Bey, the Governor of Konya, before his escape, we prevented the events that Istanbul was waiting for by taking the necessary measures through the 20th Corps and the 11th Division in Niÿde and with their help. The Kuva-yÿ Milliye organization, which was tried to be established around Ereÿli, Bolu, Adapazarÿ and ÿzmit, started to show great sensitivity in the last days of September. The leaders of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in those circles were reporting that they were ready to move to Istanbul if the cabinet resisted. We reported this issue in a circular on September 28 to the whole country and naturally to Istanbul. However, in the city of Izmit, on October 2, we were faced with a new situation that could be said to be negative. At that time, the governor of Izmit was a person named Suat Bey. We called him to the telegram. I asked whether all the communiqués made in the last days were received and their requirements were fulfilled. Mutasarrÿf Bey, in his statement, said: I have received the communiqués. In order to avoid conflict and confusion, I considered listening to the public as the right thing to do. There are negative implications. They are determined to seek clarification from the Committee of Representatives and in particular to understand definitively whether the aim is to resurrect the Union Government in its previous form. As the most impartial of you, I have undertaken the duty of maintaining peace and security. I don't think it's right to drag others on an adventure with an unknown outcome, no matter who or what. Based on all my experience, I would like to state that I am in favor of acting prudently and cautiously.

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The answer I gave was exactly this: Sivas, 2.10.1919 To Suat Bey C - It is our main duty not to cause the slightest disagreement and confusion in Izmit, but it is also a matter specifically requested by us. We have no doubt that we have told the legitimate aim and nature of our national organization and struggle, even to our most vengeful enemies, with the statements and statements we have written, against your person, many people in Izmit and the whole world. We no longer allow rumors that are worth nothing more than ragtag gossip to influence decision-making. Moreover, if there were points that the public wanted to be clarified, why weren't they asked and resolved immediately? You choose to remain neutral. However, the path you take cannot be the path of neutrality. Because, although you claim to be impartial towards the legitimate struggle of the nation, you are busy with being an officer of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, whose treacherous behavior is illegal and in fact null and void. You can understand very well that I am not one of the vicious-minded people who will deal with the resurrection of the Unionism. I offer you with the purest feelings and with all certainty that if you no longer trust the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, you should formally report this to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. If you have confidence in the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, contrary to the provisions and wishes of the nation, immediately leave your seat and move to Istanbul in order to free the esteemed people of Izmit in their legitimate national struggle. If you do not comply with any of these two points, I consider it a conscientious duty to inform you very sincerely that you will be responsible for the situation that your high person may encounter.

On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Mutasarrÿf Bey said, "Listen to your servant calmly, sir, I could not express it well. The lines written in his reply, which started with the sentences "The greatness and legitimacy of your purpose cannot be mentioned," ended with the sentences "Let us be alone until tomorrow's Friday prayer. How badly do you see me, sir, who attacked Ferit Pasha with a pen, who knows how many times."

Thereupon, I added the following two sentences to the telegram I wrote to inform you that we would wait until the Friday prayer the next day: "The assumption that I see you with bad eyes is not correct. Because the judgments we can make without pangs of conscience depend only on the actual results, sir." At that time, a person named Colonel Asÿm Bey was in Izmit as a division commander. Asÿm Bey had been notified at the beginning of the telegram for a day or two. However, no response was received. I called him to the machine on October 2 and spoke. After I said to him: "It is certain that the cabinet will fall and perhaps it will fall. In this respect, the determination and will of the nation has a power above all kinds of indecision," and I said that I was waiting for a final thought decision.

The tangible meaning of Division Commander Asÿm Bey's answer, which is full of long apologies and expressing opinions, can be summarized with the sentences that the reason why he did not answer until now was that he had not received an answer to the questions he asked from the Corps Commander in Istanbul, and that a decision would be taken at the Friday prayer tomorrow. In our answer, which included some advice and encouragement, I said the following: " It is very likely that Ferit Pasha will be withdrawn by tomorrow. In this case, ensure that at the end of your meeting tomorrow, the Zatishahane and, if finalized, the new head of government, be asked to form the cabinet from neutral people who fully embrace the national purpose, and that this is expected. Also, since we need more work in cooperation with the new cabinet to save our homeland and national independence, I request you to continue the organization in complete calm, taking into account the issues I presented with the Decision of the Representative Committee."

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FERIT PASHA'S REQUEST

Gentlemen, while I was having Asÿm Bey dictate these last sentences (October 2, 1919, at 15.40), an unsigned telegram came in between: "His Excellency, close friends in Istanbul told me. He was writing newspapers all evening. Ferit Pasha was due to his health condition. He resigned. Tevfik Pasha was appointed to form the cabinet. It was said in the morning, but it was not confirmed, now it is confirmed, sir."

Who is giving this telegram? Understand, I said. Without time to ask, the telegram continued as follows.

"We, the Ankara telegraphers, bow in deep respect in the presence of His Excellency Pasha and congratulate the success of the nation in overthrowing this cabinet, which is a nightmare for our country. Please tell me."

Telegraphic communication was interrupted. Indeed, on October 2, the Ferit Pasha Cabinet had fallen. However, it was First Ferik Ali Rÿza Pasha from Ayan, not Tevfik Pasha, who established the new cabinet. Gentlemen, let me present it in due course. All our telegraphers, enterprises and National Their self-sacrificing service for our struggle has an important place in our national history. I consider it my obligation to thank them openly today.

ALI RIZA PASHA CABINET

Gentlemen, I informed the whole nation with a circular I wrote on 2/3 October 1919 that the Ferit Pasha Cabinet had fallen and Ali Rÿza Pasha was appointed to form a cabinet. I gave a copy of this circular to the new grand vizier for information.

On October 2, we tried to contact the new cabinet chief. It was promised that they would meet with the Representative Committee at the session of the Majlis-i Vükela the next day. The key points in this circular that I submitted were as follows: 1) If the new cabinet respects the national organization and goals determined and determined at the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, the Kuva-yÿ Milliye will help it. 2) The new cabinet will not make any commitments regarding the fate of the nation until the de facto supervisory task begins with the convening of the National Assembly. 3) Representatives to be appointed to the Peace Conference will be selected from knowledgeable and talented people who have truly grasped the national cause and gained the trust of the nation. In the statement, after it was announced that these principles would be proposed to be adopted by the new cabinet, it was requested that if there is any other opinion on this subject, it should be notified immediately by noon tomorrow.

In the telegram I wrote to the Grand Vizier Ali Rÿza Pasha on October 3, 1919, the nation regretted the actions of those who took office up to now against the Constitution and the national purpose. Therefore, he made the final decision to promote his legitimate rights and to see his fate in competent and reliable hands. He made the necessary efforts. Having an organized organization, the Kuva-yÿ Milliye gained the power to fully demonstrate and prove the definitive will of the nation.

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The nation does not want to leave your esteemed friends in a difficult situation with your high personality, who has gained the trust and confidence of the sultan. On the contrary, he is ready to help with all his heart. However, the presence of ministers who worked with Ferit Pasha in the government made it necessary to understand with a great candor how much the views of your high committee and the national cause are compatible with each other. Unless there is full confidence in the nation, it is not considered appropriate to stop the liberation step that has been taken and to be content with half measures. In this respect, we would like to understand definitively and clearly whether the following points will be accepted in your opinion," and we listed the three principles that I stated due to the circular. Afterwards, "after it is understood that there is agreement on these basic points, we also present some secondary issues in order to eliminate the extraordinary situation. We told you we will.

As Ali Rÿza Pasha will go to the Palace to take an oath today, it has been reported that your telegram will be answered tomorrow.

INDEPENDENCE IN ALI RIZA PASHA's CABIN

From some attitudes, we seem to sense a shyness in the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet and a blur in the minds of the people who make up this cabinet. We have decided to take some measures for him.

We wrote a circular on the same day. In this, we stated that the official communication should be kept in a state of interruption, as in the past, until a communiqué that ensures unity of opinion and purpose between the government and the nation is communicated. In addition, by combining the proposals and opinions from all sides, we made some secret communiqués to all the corps commanders and the governors who helped the National Struggle on 3 October. He deems it appropriate to present these documents, which belong to our first contact with the new cabinet, to your high delegation as they are, in order to easily understand the future communication and relations. Will you excuse me?

Password Sivas, 3.10.1919

To all Corps Commanders and National The Governor who assisted the Struggle and To Acting Governors

It is requested that the following telegram be sent to the Ministers of War and Internal Affairs to inform the result: Konya Governor Cemal, Elazÿÿ Governor Ali Galip and Malatya Governor Halil Bey, former Kastamonu Governors ÿbrahim, who tried to actually arm the people and kill each other as a tool for the treacherous acts of the Minister of Internal Affairs, were and sent to the warItcouncil, Trabzon Governor Galip and Ali Rÿza Beys and Ankara Governor Muhittin Pasha werearrested not appointed to any duty; is requested that the Governor of Sivas, Reÿit Pasha, who was dismissed due to his help in the national cause and struggle, because they could not withdraw the legal rights of the nation, should be brought back to his former position, and the former Governor of Bitlis Mazhar Müfit and the former Governor of Van Haydar Bey would be immediately appointed to the vacant provinces.

Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Law

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society On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal Password Sÿvas, 3.10.1919 With all Governors and Corps Commanders

Independent Governorships It is requested to apply to the Grand Vizier in accordance with the example below and to report the result:

Ali Kemal Bey, Süleyman ÿefik, one of the former ministers who tried to arm the Muslim people and kill each other, gave orders to destroy the army from within and ultimately leave the homeland defenseless, exposed the secrets of the army by attempting to steal the passwords, and prevented the private communications of the nation, which had immunity in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. In the name of the immunity and sanctity of the law, we demand that Adil Bey, the Minister of Internal Affairs, should not be allowed to flee anywhere to be presented to the Supreme Court when the National Assembly is opened, and that Telegraph General Director Refik Halit Bey should be immediately arrested for the same reasons and brought to the relevant court.

Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Law Society On behalf of the Representative Committee

Cemal Pasha, who was transferred to Mustafa Kemal War Ministry, would of course make an official notification to the army. Here we recommended the following telegram to the corps as a first reply to him: Password

3rd, 20th, 12th, 15th, 13th Corps to their commands To Fuat Pasha, Commander of the 20th Corps (also) To Refet Bey (also) in Konya In response to the first notification of the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, the following telegram is secretly sent to him and the result is notified. "We know that you have been at the head of your own states with great conviction and faith since the beginning of the legitimate National Struggle. Your appointment to the Ministry of War has been welcomed with joy. The whole army and all the National Forces will help for the success of their Self-State. In order to ensure your full success, we ask that the following matters be fulfilled as soon as possible:

a) Cevat Pasha or former 1st Army Inspector Fevzi Pasha should be appointed as the Chief of General Staff. b) Colonel ÿevket Bey or Yusuf ÿzzet Pasha from Galata should be appointed to the Corps Command in Istanbul and Istanbul Central Command. Yusuf ÿzzet Pasha could be the Istanbul Central Commander 25th Corps and Galatalÿ Commander. ÿevket Bey as the

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c) Colonel ÿsmet Bey's Undersecretariat of War Ministry, d) The appointment of Division Commander Lieutenant Colonel Kemal Bey to the General Directorate of Security should be mediated.

e) The retirees, who had a bad effect on the army, made the Ministry of War ineffective and worthless, and who were appointed with their former ranks without passing through the National Assembly, were dismissed immediately because of their political opinions, and they were put in charge of important and sensitive authorities. must be delivered in reliable hands.

f) Since the former Commander of the 3rd Corps, Colonel Refet Bey, was forced to resign without any reason, this transaction was corrected and he was appointed to the 12th Corps Command in Konya, where he is today, and the transaction regarding Fuat Pasha was also corrected and he became the 20th Corps Commander. leaving in.

g) Hamdi Pasha, who was appointed to replace Fuat Pasha, and Said Pasha, who was appointed to the 12th Army Corps, should be returned to their original duties immediately. h) At the first opportunity, the inspectorates were re-established and the corps in Eastern Anatolia was given to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha even though the 13th Corps was included, and Ali Fuat Pasha was given to Ali Fuat Pasha even though the corps in Western Anatolia were included in Istanbul and Edirne, and for now with two inspectorates. was deemed appropriate.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal Gentlemen, the answer we have been waiting for from the new grand vizier has finally arrived:

Very urgent Sadaret, 4.10.1919 Defense of Law Society in Sivas to their delegates Reference : 2 and 3 October 1919

ALI RIZA CABIN IS ASKING FOR THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND OBJECTIVES

Since it is not known to the Board of Deputies that it was appointed and determined at the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, and that it consisted of the organization and aims stated in its telegrams, it is requested that the decisions of the mentioned congresses be reported urgently, in order to examine the situation, sir.

Grand vizier Ali consent

Grand Viziership, 4.10.1919 Grand Vizier Pasha and his esteemed friends - despite the presence of Cemal Pasha, who, as will be seen a little later, said that he entered the cabinet as the representative of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye - were also present - until the day they formed the government, they did not know what the national goals consisted of. Isn't it surprising?

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What is even more striking is that they first requested the decisions of the congresses in order to be able to decide whether to comply with the national goals or not. However, could it be thought that they did not know the decisions of the congresses, whose implementation led to such a mess and the fall of his predecessor Ferit Pasha? I never doubted that our purpose was to gain time and loosen the solidarity and loyalty that had manifested itself by deceiving the nation with new and diabolical measures, without making any commitments towards us. However, if the ties between them were to be severed, I preferred a behavior that would reveal all their insides before the eyes of the nation. Therefore, I complied with the request of the Grand Vizier and his esteemed friends. In the telegram dated October 4, 1919, I have summarized the main points regarding the organization in its statutes, as well as the declaration of the congress. General notifications were made again so that official correspondence with the government would not be attempted from anywhere. Sirs, on the same day I received a telegram saying: A: The supreme cabinet established under my presidency has reached a full consensus to work with unwavering determination to ensure the happiness and security of the homeland, in accordance with the wishes of the nation. There is no doubt that the unity of the Ottoman community, the protection of national independence, the immunity of the supreme caliphate and the sultanate, will undoubtedly be realized based on the will of the entire nation, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. By keeping all Ottoman lands and cities within the borders of the time the Armistice Agreement was signed, directly under the administration of the Ottoman sultanate in accordance with the Wilson principles on which this agreement was based, and by staying within these borders and preventing the disintegration of the homeland unity, the majority of which were Muslim, and date. Ensuring that a decision is taken in accordance with our religious and geographical views and understanding of justice is also an indispensable goal of the current government, of the nation until the National Assembly convenes. the fact that no definite and official commitments are made on the fate of the peace conference, It is natural that he should be chosen from among those who have grasped the cause, are reliable, foresighted and talented. In accordance with the constitutional administration in our country, the nation? Since the sovereignty is valid, today's government, which has fully understood its duty, is making every effort to hold the elections as soon as possible, since the nation cannot decide on the destiny of the country without taking the decision of the nation, and tries to show the necessary convenience in terms of speeding up the assembly of the Parliament. However, the prevailing principle in the government's policy consists of understanding and eliminating the opposite situations by fully complying with the provisions of the law. Since the continuation of extraordinary and unlawful situations will cause many bad consequences by separating the government center of the Ottoman Empire and Anatolia, God forbid, it will endanger the existence of the state center and will disrupt the unity of the homeland, resulting in the occupation of other parts of the country. In this regard, today's government demands that you , government, promise to evacuate the official offices occupied by you, to put an end to the disruption of the affairs to respect of the government's authority, which must not be neglected in the slightest, not to engage in political relations with foreigners, and to never interfere with the freedom of the people in the parliamentary elections.

Distinguished Sirs, if attention is paid, there is neither an address nor a signature in this telegram. However, it was understood that the person or persons who wrote these lines did not want to know the Committee of Representatives and to have official correspondence and meetings signed by it.

Also, the grand vizier and deputies of the new cabinet find it natural to consider the decisions we determined at the congresses and the three points we proposed to them. They say they are already making efforts to implement these resolutions and principles.

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However, Grand Vizier, the main principle in the government's policy is the provisions of the law. After an introduction stating that his duty consists of the prevention and elimination of adverse situations, he tries to indicate indirectly that our attitudes and actions are unusual and unlawful, and that if this continues, it will result in the separation of Central and Anatolia from each other, and counting the dangers this will cause, he finally takes the beans out of his mouth: "Your side He states that he intends to put an end to our existence and activities by demanding that we promise to evacuate the occupied official offices, to end the disruption of government affairs, to respect government authority, not to engage in political relations with foreigners, and never to interfere with the freedom of the people in the election of deputies.

Gentlemen, perhaps I will forget, before I go into detailed explanations, I must say that there are no official offices occupied by us. Only the province of Sivas hosted the Heyet-ÿ Temsiliye in the high school, as the schools were on holiday. This would be the official circle that was meant to be mentioned. The new cabinet wanted to break the influence and dignity of the people in the eyes of the people by expelling the Representative Committee from here, to start all its activities.

Gentlemen, the following communication was made between the Sivas telegraph center and the Istanbul telegraph center on this telegram, from whom it was not specified:

Extraordinary The telegram, which was written to the Istanbul Central Directorate from the Grand Vizier's Office, was not accepted by the Anatolian and Rumelian Müdaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti Delegation Representative, as it did not have a title or signature. The telegram copy is kept in our center. You are requested to provide the necessary information.

Signature

Congress Center It was given to us by Ametçi Bey with the title "The Answer of His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha"; copy is in the telegraph office. Give it to His Excellency Pasha like this. - It is not called Hey'et-i Temsiliye and it is not known from whom it came. That's why they don't accept it because there is no title and signature. - Well, it's disbanded now. If they write something about it in the cabinet, of course, the situation will clear up, sir.

After giving this answer, they dispersed. Nothing happens to us anymore. However, Grand Vizier Pasha may write from his house. The work of this center ends when the cabinet meeting is over, it will be closed, my dear. - You tell Mr. Âmetçi what we said. - Mr. Âmetçi also left. I'm alone. - Tell me by phone. - We don't have a city phone. However, you just keep the telegram so we can have something formally printed in the morning, sir. - Make a phone call to Grand Vizier Pasha. - Brother, we can't tell Grand Vizier Pasha...

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The Extraordinary Sublime Porte, 4.10.1919

Even though the Grand Vizier Pasha, who lives in Erenköy to the Sivas Congress Center Directorate, was called by phone and it was twenty-five past twentyone, he could not be found. This communication will be submitted in a desperate manner tomorrow, sir.

Manager of the Sublime Porte

Hussein Husni

Extraordinary Istanbul, 4.Ia.I9I9 C : As reported by the Sublime Porte, no answer could be received from the mansions of His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha, although they were called until twenty-five past twenty. I'll call again in a little while, I'll let you know immediately if I get an answer. If I don't get it, it will be necessary to wait until morning, sir.

Istanbul Telegram Manager Tevfik Efendiler, it was said that the unsigned telegram sent to the Representative Committee the next day, namely on October 5, 1919, was written by the Grand Vizier in response. While there is no official and signed letter confirming this, we did not find it useful or necessary to dwell further on such a minor point. We found it appropriate to reply to Grand Vizier Pasha. Let me summarize the main points of the long response we wrote on October 5th:

It was understood that all of our proposals were accepted and accepted. After saying that, we made explanations on the points that we wanted to be promised and said: "It was the Ferit Pasha Cabinet that created the unusual and unlawful situations. If you take definite measures to eliminate the causes that caused the illegitimate actions and actions taken by the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, it will disappear automatically. "

"In order for our society to make a promise to the current cabinet and provide assistance, the government must express clearly and definitively that it welcomes our national organization. Otherwise, the existence of mutual trust and sincerity will remain doubtful, and there will be a possibility of conflicting behaviors and initiatives."

In the unsigned telegram of Ali Rÿza Pasha, to the point that "in accordance with the constitutional administration in our country, national sovereignty is valid", he also added: "Really, the assembly of the Parliament within four months, starting from its dissolution, is one of the clear provisions of our Constitution, but until today, the electorate This behavior is a clear blow to the constitutionalism and a definite violation of the Constitution by the Ferit Pasha Cabinet; full implementation of the provisions of the law against those who commit it as a murder according to the relevant article of the penal code will accept national sovereignty and replace the provisions of the law. It is the first sacred duty of every legitimate government that will regard the introduction of the After that, we put forward the following proposals:

1- Demonstrate that the government also participates in the unity of the nation by an official declaration that there is peace and trust in the country and that the national cause is completely justified and legitimate. 2 - There are some high-ranking officials who have been instrumental in the treacherous acts of the fallen government. Take them to the relevant court. Some who opposed the National Struggle

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Take necessary action against governors so that they are not used in government service. Reinstate those who were dismissed for serving the National Struggle. 3 - Immediately return the retirees, whose reinstatement has not passed the approval of the National Assembly and whose only reason for employment consists of certain political considerations, to their former status, and hand over their positions to competent hands. 4 - It was stated that former ministers Ali Kemal and Adil Beys and Süleyman ÿefik Pasha should not be allowed to flee anywhere to be presented to the Supreme Court at the opening of the National Assembly, Refik Halit Bey, the General Director of Post and Telegraph, was immediately arrested and the court he was concerned with. We demand his surrender in the name of the inviolability of the law and the sanctity of national rights. 5 - End the prosecution and oppression against those who participated in or supported the National Struggle.

6 - Save the press from foreign censorship. Here, Gentlemen, after the opinions and proposals on these points that I have listed as a summary, we ended our telegram as follows: Until the time when an adequate, clear and appropriate response is given to the points raised and the proposals put forward, the actual measures taken by the nation for the realization of the national goals will remain as before. We submit with full certainty that we will have to continue, on the decisions we have taken from all provinces, independent sanjaks and their subordinate places. Signed: Mustafa Kemal, on behalf of the Representative Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association. Gentlemen, as soon as the communication with Istanbul was over, I immediately informed the country about the situation with this circular.

:

5.10.1919 Circular The answers and the proposals made to the Istanbul Municipality, to the Press, by His Highness Grand Vizier Pasha, to ensure the real reconciliation of the government and the nation, and based on the essence of the views of all centers, since there are some points that need to be explained in their thoughts, although they find the basic decisions of the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses and the aims of the national organization natural. is announced with the following circular. The next reply and the decisions to be taken accordingly will be announced immediately.

YUNUS NADI BEY IS BEING MEDIATED

Gentlemen, we have come to the fifth day that the AIi Rÿza Pasha Cabinet came to power. We still can't get along. The official communication and relations of the country with Istanbul are still being cut off. His Highness the Grand Vizier Pasha does not respond to our offers and you will see that he never did. No one in the cabinet wants to meet with us.

On this day, that is, on October 6, 1919, our friend Yunus Nadi Bey went to visit Cemal Pasha, the Minister of War, in his office upon his invitation. He talked about it and apparently showed us wrong; explained that they are ready to accept and implement everything. Probably He 'et-i Temsiliye is the party that started the disagreement and resisted it.

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he said. It seems that Yunus Nadi Bey will have offered to mediate in order to reconcile the parties, based on his personal friendship with us. Yunus Nadi Bey happily accepted this mediation offer. It was only clear from the expression of the telegram, which I will now examine, that Yunus Nadi Bey accepted the information given by Cemal Pasha as sound and true and evaluated the situation accordingly. This meeting with Yunus Nadi Bey at the beginning of the telegraph is important in terms of guiding us to reconciliation with the new cabinet, even if it seems like it. For this reason, if you allow me, I will explain a little.

They informed me that the Minister of War, Pasha, had invited me to head the telegram. I went to the machine already in our apartment. . Istanbul - After saying "Harbiye Telegraph Office Yunus Nadi Bey wants to meet with your state, sir"; It was said, "I am ready at the machine in the Harbiye telegraph office." Who is ready?" I said.

Telegrapher - "Yunus Nadi Bey and Cevat Rifat Bey, the aide of Nâzÿr Pasha, are with him, sir. Did they want Nâzir Pasha, or..." They said, "We'll see them now. Only when they invite me to the telegram, Nâzÿr Pasha wants it." Is it Nâzÿr Pasha or his personalities? Yunus Nadi Bey said, "With the permission of Nâzÿr Pasha and through his aide, we called the state of his own from the center of Harbiye. That's why we got it wrong, sir." I—"Thank you. Here you go," I said. Thereupon, Yunus Nadi Bey's words began to be taken. Yunus Nadi Bey made an introduction to his thoughts as follows: "After the change that occurred as a positive result of the national will making the domination of the nation effective, I decided that it would not be late to establish a harmonious unity between the government established here and the national organization. Since the delay in establishing this harmony would not be good both internally and externally, I considered it a duty to present some issues."

After that, they stated their knowledge and thoughts about the points that I will summarize now, as the first topic. 1- It is not true that some people who were in the Ferit Pasha Cabinet were regarded as bad because they were in this cabinet, and that Abuk Pasha (Ahmet Abuk Pasha) played a role in the fall of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet;

2 - That the Rÿza Pasha Government is a transitional government, its term may continue until the end of the Parliamentary Elections. 3 - They stated that the current government does not have the slightest doubt about finding all of its national goals and aspirations in place and working towards achieving a positive result and; 4 - In particular, they decided that there is no room for hesitation in accepting people like Cemal and Abuk Pasha as representatives and guarantors of the national cause in the government. As a second issue, Yunus Nadi Bey touched upon the point about individuals. He said, "While he is totally in agreement with us in this, I will dare the advice to be a little moderate," he said, adding that it is important to protect himself from being tarnished by the good effects of national success, which in some may be interpreted as vengeful.

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Yunus Nadi Bey said, "From the contacts I have made with the members of the government today, it is understood that the government is determined to fulfill the demands of the national organization," and then he gave the following information: "The Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, stated that this point was actually explained sufficiently in the statement to be published today; He said that since it was written in an official language from the mouth of the government, it should not be given importance to a few show words that were compressed by considering all aspects." Yunus Nadi Bey, after declaring his sincere desire to contact the new grand vizier and his government directly with a delegation to be shown by the notables of the national organization - to clear up any misunderstanding summarized all his thoughts with the following sentence: it consists in the end of the crisis and its perpetuation in a chaotic state.

Since Yunus Nadi Bey remembered my thoughts on this subject, I gave the following answer:

Sivas, 6.10.1919 To Mr. Yunus Nadi

I don't know, have you seen the first and second degree offers made to His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha by the Delegation of Representatives, the answer he gave to our delegation, and especially the last parts of this answer? From what you have said and your high thoughts, we do not judge that you have not seen these articles and that our proposals were told to you by those who did not fully understand their quality and sincerity. Therefore, we find it difficult to enter into a discussion on the merits of the issue here. However, in order to illuminate some points in your high personal thoughts, explanations are given below in order.

We also came to the conclusion that the establishment of a harmonious unity between the new cabinet and our national organization would not be delayed. The reason for this delay should not be found in us, but in the indecisive attitude that the new cabinet has been showing for four days. The new cabinet did not inform us that there was a disagreement between us. It is an important point to be taken into account that while the new cabinet did not doubt the honor of the former ministers who were left in their places, they knowingly or unknowingly participated in the activities of the old cabinet that would be considered serious crimes. We do not know in the thefall roleofAbuk the cabinet. Pasha played We know very well the power that produces the result. Our aim is not to accept this government as a transitional government, as is supposed. On the contrary, we wish it to be the most important delegation that will decide on the fate of the nation and make peace. For the main interests of our nation, foreigners are of no importance to us. We are of those who have denied the powerlessness of fitting our actions to the gossip of strangers. We know the internal and external situation with all its clarity. The step we take does not depend on coincidence, it is based on deep thoughts, solid foundations, the real power and will power of the whole nation, which is tied to an organized organization.

The nation has firmly decided to make its sovereignty known to the whole world in its entirety. For this, every precaution has been taken everywhere. We expect the current government to respond positively to national causes and demands and to try to bring them to a positive conclusion. Because he cannot stay in power otherwise. We do not know about Abuk Pasha. However, we expect nothing more from Cemal Pasha than to be the representative of our national organization. (Lords, we should point out that Cemal Pasha was not our representative. It was not true that he was given such a position and duty, because of his well-known attitude. However, there is no doubt that Cemal Pasha was accepted as a representative in Yunus Nadi Bey's telegram. Since it was said that he did not exist, it was concluded that Cemal Pasha wanted this and this task was given to him as a fait accompli.)

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We hoped that as soon as Cemal Pasha was in charge, they would first contact us and understand the real situation and try to unite the views of the government and the national organization, according to him. However, it seems that he avoided such contact. The proposals and requests we put forward against the new cabinet are not personal and arbitrary, but all the provinces and independent sanjaks and their subordinates, the commander of the five corps and high-ranking officials loyal to the national organization have been informed to our Delegation. According to our Representative, it consists of a summary result of the summary made with the idea of not putting the government in a difficult situation as much as possible. In these offers and requests, there are no drawbacks that you think and state. If the government has sincere and serious relations and negotiations with our Fiey'et-i Temsiliye, there is no obstacle to decide on the form and time of the requests and proposals that can be implemented by the government. However, the last paragraphs of the telegram sent by the Grand Vizier Pasha as a reply to our Representative Committee on 4 October attract attention. There is no doubt that there will be no possibility of reconciliation if the illegitimate and unlawful self-determination of our legitimate national organization and those in charge of its administration is to be maintained.

If, for whatever reason, critical language is used about our national organization and our struggle, even if this attitude consists of a few insignificant words, any possibility of agreement on our part will be deemed to have been eliminated. In any case, unless the Istanbul Government agrees well with the Representative Committee, its declaration will not be received from anywhere. Maybe, only Istanbul can stay out of this.

Our Delegation of Representatives is a legitimate national organization that was decided and elected by the general congresses gathered in Erzurum and Sivas, formed by the representatives elected by the general vote of the nation in their own regions on behalf of all provinces and independent sanjaks. His ability and power to represent is evident in his actual works. Until the day when the Majlis-i Meb'usan convenes and begins its duty of de facto supervision, it is imperative that the Delegation of Representatives deals with the fate of the nation and the country. The sincere contact and relationship of the government with our delegation will of course strengthen its own position and power. It is natural that if they are marched in different directions, it will cause inconveniences for the interests of the country and the nation.

We do not want to see some people in today's cabinet whose existence we believe will be particularly beneficial to the country and nation, undergoing the latest cabinet tactics of being expelled, as before, one by one (Gentlemen, you will see that this is what we say). The Representative Committee gathered in Sivas is ready and willing to have the most intimate contact and relationship with the government directly and personally. He does not have the authority to delegate this task to others. If there is full agreement with the government, other means can be considered to make contact easy and reliable. In summary, the Grand Viziership directly responded to the issues we presented, about putting an end to the messy situation as soon as possible, first of all, the government's statement, as we presented and proposed to it, to be published in a sincere language, not with ostensible words, and that other proposals would be welcomed and fulfilled. giving it will be possible. Otherwise, it seems strange to us that Refik Halit Bey still talks about the sincerity of the government while our telegrams and leaflets are checked, stolen and detained.

If the government continues in this indecisive state for a few more days, it will lead to a complete loss of trust and confidence in the eyes of the nation. In the telegrams we receive from everywhere, questions are asked about the credibility of the new government. Best regards bro.

Mustafa Kemal Efendiler, Yunus Nadi Bey understood the real situation from the information I gave and the explanations I made. He did not see the need to continue communicating with us. On the contrary, his new government and especially Jamal

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He tried to warn the Pasha... Indeed, as I will explain, a situation and scene of agreement emerged, albeit ostensibly.

Gentlemen, the day of October 6, 1919 has passed. We ordered with a circular that the measures at hand should be carried out with care and attention. Gentlemen, the day after our communication with Yunus Nadi Bey, we finally received the following telegram from Cemal Pasha, not a reply from the grand vizier:

Harbiye 7.l0.I9l9 Clock l2.O7

ON BEHALF OF CEMAL PASHA CABIN, FROM ACTIONS AGAINST THE NATIONAL WILL PROMISE TO AVOID

Summary of communications made so far to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: 1 - The Cabinet agrees with you and accepts the dominance of the national will. However, it hesitates to be a cabinet of vengeance. It also finds it appropriate to carry out the punishment of criminals through legal means.

2 - It undertakes to put an end to the injustices suffered by the injured governors and to improve their situation, to select and specifically appoint the competent ones, and to restore the honor and discipline of the army. 3 - The state will rely on the national will and the Representative Committee in order to regain its honor and dignity abroad. 4 - As a representative of the Representative Committee, I sincerely and respectfully submit that the cabinet wishes that the Chamber of Deputies remain in a position to assist them, without making it seem like it is dominating both outside and inside. and appreciates the benefit of this great power. First of all, he finds it very beneficial that telegrams should be sent mutually and freely, that governors and commanders who will be left in place or re-appointed can act immediately, especially that the new Law on Elections of Deputies can be distributed and announced everywhere. 5 - If I promise to avoid acts contrary to the national will, only the shape and time of the details remain, which I believe can be very easy. I expect the help of their own states, not to insist on details in order to be able to work together in order to realize the aim aimed at the salvation of the homeland, I kindly ask for the help of their own states, and I present my respects to all of my respected friends.

Minister of War Jamal

We immediately gave the following positive and sincere answer to this telegram:

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Password Sÿvas, 7.10.1919

Attention to His Excellency, Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: The following answers are submitted, item by item, in order, to the matters stated by his State in the telegram:

1 - On behalf of the nation, we would like to express our gratitude for the cabinet's acceptance of the principle of the sovereignty of the national will in full unity and solidarity with us. The tainting of the Cabinet, the Representative Committee and our entire national organization with vengeance is a matter to be avoided and resentful in our opinion. We are in a consensus with the cabinet on this point and the need for the criminals to be punished by legal means.

2 - We would like to thank you for the things written in the second article. In the matters that have been presented before, the reason for emphasizing this point was that: The concern was that if some governors and commanders, who were rejected by the nation due to their attitudes towards the national cause and the National Struggle, were reinstated to their duties, even for a temporary period, with the thought of complying with the form, they could not be accepted in the places they went to, and there might be disrespect to the government authority. 3 - The third item is especially worthy of gratitude. We will be fortunate to ensure the salvation and happiness of our homeland and nation in unity and solidarity. 4 - We submit with full sincerity and great assurance that, in return for the seriousness and sincerity shown by the Cabinet, the Delegation of Representatives will never be in a position to dominate either inside or outside, but on the contrary, the principles accepted by complete consensus. In this framework, it will consider it a duty to increase and consolidate the government's power and authority for the sake of the homeland and nation. We request and request that there should never be any doubt or hesitation in this matter. Particularly, it is pleasing that their personalities are directly represented in the cabinet as members of our Representative Committee, in accordance with the eighth article of our charter, as it will provide a guarantee for both parties to come to an agreement in their work and decisions.

Now that it is understood that a consensus and consensus has been reached between the cabinet and our national organization at every point, of course, the records on communication will also be removed. However, since the Committee of Representatives has to maintain its connection with the organizational centers in all Anatolia and Rumelia, we particularly request that our telegraphic communications, which are made in the form of special telegrams, be allowed to continue as before. Let us also point out here that, as soon as the government begins to convey its orders, it is necessary not to encounter any obstacles on any side and not to suffer the slightest shake of authority, so that this issue can be achieved and the necessary notifications can be made by the Representative Committee for forty-eight hours. Please allow time. We especially request that this copy of the cabinet statement, which we request to be published in order to serve as a basis for the notification to be made by the Representative Committee and to give confidence to the nation, be given to our delegation before it is published secretly. Because in this statement, we sincerely submit that even a single word can lead to the continuation of misunderstandings by the nation and leave the Hey'et-i Temsiliye in a very difficult situation against the nation.

Before sending the copy of the communiqué to the nation, with a letter of thanks to be presented to the Zatishahane by the Representative Committee, we will now present it to their respective states, and the thoughts put forward by the cabinet regarding their text will be respectfully taken into account. In order to present our opinion on the new Law on Election of Deputies later, we kindly ask you to inform us with what view the said law was prepared.

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5 - After a complete agreement on the basic points has emerged, since the sincerity of your esteemed friends and their own states cannot be doubted, it is natural that a consensus can be reached on the details of the issue spontaneously. With the greatest respect and sincerity, I request you and all my colleagues to assure that we will work with all our might for the success of your own state and the cabinet you are in, and for the purpose of saving the homeland to come true as soon as possible.

Mustafa Kemal

Cemali Pasha replied to our telegram that night. In this, he stated that "it is essential to publish the paper immediately, but attention is paid to the necessary points". We responded that same night as a courtesy.

But Masters, when it became clear that the government did not want to show us its declaration before publishing it, we published our declaration to the nation without consulting the government; We sent the telegram to the Sultan in the same way. Gentlemen, our statement dated 7 October 1919; He was expressing their aim to help the nation to continue on this path as it has been until today, by preserving the national unity on this path, that the path taken was correct and successful, and thus to help enlighten, warn and strengthen the spiritual power of the nation.

The telegram written to the Sultan included thanks on behalf of the nation. Gentlemen, by the way, I will offer a little information. While our delegation was trying to fulfill the common will of the nation in the whole country, it also sent direct notifications to Izmir, which was under occupation. On October 7, 1919, when we were in agreement with the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha, we were sending the following telegram to Izmir: ÿvedi Sÿvas, 7.10.1919

If our notifications and letters sent to ÿzmir Governor's Office so far have reached you, it is requested that you immediately notify whether the requirements are being fulfilled or not, if not, the reasons for obstruction.

Anatolia and Rumelia Defense of Law Society On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal

We knew without a doubt what situation and conditions Izmir and its governor were in. Although it was doubtful whether he could receive our notifications, it was natural that he could not implement them. However, we also found it useful to inform our enemies that there is a center of power that is busy with the fate of the whole country and does not recognize occupation.

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KAZIM KARABEKIR PASHA'S INVESTIGATION IN THE GOVERNMENT'S BUSINESS THOUGHT

Gentlemen, while we have touched on the events and issues of the days we live in, I would like to ask your permission to explain one more small point here. In a telegram dated 8 October 1919 from Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, the following view was put forward: "With the high personalities of the Representative Committee, Rauf Gentleman and such important personalities should not interfere with the government in any way, even after becoming a deputy, and always have a say at the head of the group in the Assembly, the shape and establishment style of the cabinet, the value of its members," he said. Regardless of his personality and personality, I consider it an important condition of success and an indispensable decision to always remain in a supervisory position in the National Assembly." "When the highest and most powerful prominent figures of a cause or a group exceeded their limits of authority and interfered with the government business, the Majlis-i Mill has always remained weak and either drifted or fell apart in the face of currents." "In this period when the liberation of the homeland and the nation as a whole is in serious question, I respectfully request you to come to a definite decision on the issues I have presented." Gentlemen, when I was in Erzurum, Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha put forward similar views in our conversations. The views I put forward were more or less as follows: "First of all, it is necessary to reveal the existence and will of the nation in the country and to represent it unshakably in the National Assembly. This is to establish a strong organization in the country around a national ideal and to represent the Assembly. It is possible to have a group based on this organization. This should be the aim of the most powerful personalities. However, as it has been seen so far, those who see more or less merit in themselves, regardless of this point, are tempted to go to the government immediately. When they cannot form a strong group affiliated to the national organization as their support, only the sultanate and the caliphate remain. Therefore, the national assemblies cannot represent the national honor and power. National wishes cannot be put forward and their requirements cannot be fulfilled. In this respect, the most important principle for us is first and foremost. to establish a national organization in the country, and then to act in the Assembly at the head of a group that draws strength from this organization. should work. It is useless to attempt to form a government or to enter any government that will be established. Because, a government of this nature will be obliged to fall immediately without rendering any essential service to the country and the nation, or to take a position that is against the Parliament and therefore against the nation, relying on the sultan. As such, in the first one, a major drawback such as instability will persist; In the second, it will be served to bring the national sovereignty to the point of non-existence. "As a matter of fact, as you know and can be seen in practice, we first established a national organization in the country. Then we convened the Assembly. First we established the Assembly Government. After that, we formed the Republic Government.

In addition, when the opportunity arises, the cabinet will not be accepted, high positions and civil servants will not be accepted, and in fact, we do not pursue any purpose other than a great and national goal, and the biggest part of our activity is to try to keep the Kuva-yÿ Milliye as a balance element, as it has been up to now. We had statements and declarations against the nation at the points where it was only about. After Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, in his telegram, expressed his appreciation by reminding me of my views in Erzurum and our papers published based on this opinion; "However, I would like to express my opinion that this good determination and decision should be wider," taking into account the trials that have been made in our country and the results of these.

Gentlemen, as Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha said at the end of his telegrams of this opinion and proposal, at a time when the liberation of the homeland and nation was in question, and as I explained, there was no organization and assembly in the country before and when the Assembly convened, such an organization and While a group that has an ideal that trusts the national power has not proven its existence, whatever

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Of course, it would not be right to aspire to form a government or enter a government that will be formed in any way. In my opinion, it is never wrong to give such behavior to personal greed and interest, or at least to ignorance, rather than to serve the country and the nation. However, Masters, as Karabekir Pasha said, regardless of how and how the cabinet will be established, regardless of the value and personality of its members, the prominent personalities of a political group formed in the Assembly must always have a voice and a supervisory position in the Assembly. an important success condition and its implementation cannot be considered an essential decision. Indeed, in civilized states governed by the principle of national sovereignty, the accepted and actually in effect rule is that the political group, which represents the general tendencies of the nation at the highest level and can realize the benefits of these tendencies with the highest power and authority, takes over the affairs of the state and it consists in the principle of putting the responsibility for this on the shoulders of its highest leader.

A government that does not meet these conditions cannot function. Of course, the idea of forming a weak government from among the strong group members but not among those who are not in the first degree, and attempting to execute it with the directives and recommendations of the party's first-degree leaders is of course not correct. The disastrous results of this were seen especially in the last days of the Ottoman Empire. Isn't the damage done to the nation by the grand viziers and their governments, who are toys in the hands of the leaders of the Union and Progress, not innumerable? It is out of the question for the dominant party in the parliament to leave the establishment of the government to an opposition party that is in the minority. According to the rules and methods, the party that represents the majority of the nation and has a definite program assumes the responsibility of forming the government, and implements its own goals and principles in the country.

KAZIM KARABEKIR PASHA HE WANTS TO MEET IN GOVERNMENT BUSINESS

The purpose of explaining a fact that is already known to everyone and that is being acted on is to ensure that the nation and future generations are careful and vigilant against nonsense that is intended to be portrayed as a requirement of patriotism, moral superiority, maturity and some similar distinguished qualities. I have no doubt that Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, who was instrumental in these thoughts, generally had the same thoughts and views as me at this point. because The aim of Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, of course, was not only to target me or some of my friends in the Representative Committee to form a government or not to enter the government. Since Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, in his telegram on this subject, said "such prominent while saying my and that Raufthey Bey's names, and he was found naturally to bepersonalities" in the same class, it was obvious could not stay out of their principles. However, when Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, if I am not mistaken, was working in the Parliament as a deputy, a new cabinet was formed as a necessity of the situation. I had invited Fethi Bey, Fevzi Pasha, Fuat Pasha, Kazÿm Pasha, Ali Bey, Celal Bey, ÿhsan Bey, friends in the Government and fifteen other friends, as well as Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, to Çankaya to discuss this matter.

Before Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha came to me, I went to the parliament, the party secretary general at that time, Recep Bey, and said that I invited him and that I would most likely offer him the presidency of the government. he said.

Kazÿm Pasha's attitude during the meeting and meeting in Çankaya was also considered significant by those present. Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, during the meeting, stated quite rightly and appropriately that he did not hesitate to serve the nation in this way. Negotiations to a point

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stuck. Should the head of government be Fethi Bey or Karabekir Pasha? While discussing this point, Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha did not tell me, as he advised me on October 8, 1919, that "regardless of the shape and establishment style of the cabinet, the values and personalities of its members, it is an indispensable decision to remain as a speaker and supervisor in the National Assembly". . On the contrary, his situation was seen as waiting to be authorized to form a government. However, we were still going through another terrible and dark phase of the era when the complete liberation of the homeland and nation was in question. I did not conclude the meeting. During a break, I took His Excellency Fevzi Pasha to the garden: I asked him to be the arbitrator in choosing one of Fethi Bey and Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha as the head of government. However, after calling them both at the same time and stating that the issue was not a personal and simple matter, that the responsibility was related to the country and that it was great, he would openly ask them to tell themselves which one could do this task better, by appealing to their conscience.

We regrouped. I said, "Either Fethi Bey or Karabekir Pasha will establish the government. I understand this from the results of the negotiations. Let's make His Excellency Fevzi Pasha the arbitrator in resolving the issue." Accepted. Marshal took Fethi Bey and Karabekir Pasha. They went out to the garden. It worked as I stated. Fethi Bey said, "I can do it better". Marshal was also of this opinion and Fethi Bey was elected. Thus, the opportunity to assist Karebekir Pasha to be commissioned to form the government was lost.

THE POWER OF POWER ACHIEVED BY SLAVE OF THE PADISAH IS AN EXAMPLE OF EMPOWERMENT

Gentlemen, let's come to the point of contact we started with the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet: I had submitted that since the government did not give us its declaration before it was published, we published our declaration to the nation without seeking the opinion of the government. Thereupon, the government, through Cemal Pasha, declared on 9 October that it deemed it necessary to publish four more articles by various means. These items were: 1- There is no relationship with the Unionists, 2 - It is not right for the Ottoman Empire to be involved in the First World War, and some publications are made against those who caused it, by revealing their names, and they are punished by legal prosecution,

3 - Not all war criminals can escape legal punishment, 4 - Elections will be made freely. Cemal Pasha, after enumerating these articles, was requesting that their publication with a clear indication would prevent some misunderstandings at home and abroad, and as a necessity of the country's high interests, it should be received positively. Gentlemen, these items are like a measure in order to understand how weak the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha has fallen and the lack of vision in grasping the truth. The poor, who are incapable of seeing the depth and horror of the catastrophic abyss the state has fallen into, of course, close their eyes not to see the serious and real solution. Because that serious and real remedy terrifies them even more. Such are the sterility of their reason and understanding, the weakness and degeneration of their nature and morals.

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Wasn't it natural that the authority that could be obtained with the slavery of the Sultan and Caliph, who should have been slaves for a long time, was an example of impotence? What could Ali Rÿza Pasha, who succeeded Ferit Pasha, and his new colleagues, some of whom had also served in the previous cabinet, to do other than follow and try to finalize the enemy's ambitions, which Ferit Pasha could not conclude, starting from the point where Ferit Pasha had left?

This was obvious to us. However, with many thoughts and reasons to be guessed and appreciated, there was no way out but to act with patience and patience. Gentlemen, in order to see the emerging phases of the divergence between our views and this new cabinet, which we find it appropriate to compromise, please review our answer, which includes our views on these four articles, in the pages of the first days of the minutes of the Grand National Assembly.

Gentlemen, these days, members of the press in Istanbul have established an association. On October 9, Tasviÿr-i Efkar; Time; They were asking some questions on behalf of the evening, Turkish World and Istikal newspapers and they wanted to get our opinions that would be the basis for publication. Necessary explanations and information were given to them.

Velit Bey, the head of this press committee, also had a telegram on behalf of his own newspaper containing interesting questions. I also responded to him through my aide. You will read these among the documents.

Groom Sheriff Pasha is poisoning the nation

Gentlemen, our communications with Cemal Pasha, who is in the new cabinet and who is the ambassador of our Representative Committee, delayed me to mention Damat Mehmet ÿerif Pasha, who holds the office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, to your great assembly. While we were looking for a way of reconciliation with the new cabinet, ÿerif Pasha had already begun to poison the nation.

If the text of the October 2 circular declaring that he was taken into custody is remembered, the following sentences can be found there: "Although the citizens' full harmony and unity is a necessity of the real interests of the state, it is very regrettable that the signs of corruption and separatism in the country for a while will cause the difficulties to increase even more.

"..... Success is achieved by following the path shown by the Government and avoiding harmful behavior in matters concerning the interests of the country, so immediately advise the centers and the places connected to the center and on this path. Gentlemen, Damat ÿerif Pasha, who is said to be smarter than Damat Ferit Pasha, is starting to work very inexperiencedly. Damat Pasha, like some novelists in Istanbul at that time, who regarded us as rebels, anarchists, "simple soldat"; In his own short mind, which can only deceive fools, he thought he was heedless and unsympathetic! .

However, we immediately understood the despicable intention of Nâzÿr Pasha and had become more alert. ÿerif Pasha shows our attitude and departure, the defeatism attempts and made separatism by the nation in the country, to overthrow and many the Ferit regrets. Pasha Cabinet, as signs of

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And, Gentlemen, let's take a look at a few points of the government's announcement, signed by the Minister of Internal Affairs, Mehmet ÿerif. "Today's cabinet is in perfect harmony." It is very true. This situation will manifest itself in all its nakedness.

"It is in agreement on fundamental issues. It is not affiliated with any party. Nor does it tend to any of the various political groups. He expects moral support from all of them. The meaning of these sentences is clear. The government is not together with the national organization and the Representative Committee that administers it. In fact, he doesn't even have any inclination towards it. It is only as much from us as it expects support from the Entente and Freedom Party, the Society of Dissenters, the Red Daggers, the Nigehbanists and other existing associations. . What . is written in the telegrams sent by Cemali Pasha with the aim of distracting and deceiving us is always a lie. Then, Masters, let's read the following sentence: "It is our main aim to determine the destiny of the country through the representatives of the nation." The meaning that comes out of this is this: A few people gathered in Sivas, speaking on behalf of the nation. He is concerned with the fate of the nation. Even though it is not their duty, they are interfering in the affairs of the nation and the country by wearing the title of "He''et-i Temsiliye". Do not listen to their words. Because these are not the representatives of the nation! In this statement, the government explains its view on peace as follows: "No attempt will be spared to ensure that the Ottoman Empire lives as a whole and as an independent state gathered around its Sultan, by making full use of Wilson's principles." The new cabinet continues with the following evidence to indicate that they will be successful in these views: "The desire of the European and American public to act in a measured manner, which is already becoming more and more clear with the feelings of justice of the great states, is also reassuring in this regard." Gentlemen, aren't all these thoughts exactly the same as what was written in the statement issued by the Ferit Pasha Cabinet from the mouth of the Sultan? Isn't the purpose of publishing such declarations to deceive the nation and drag them into sluggishness? What justice are we talking about? What temperance is being talked about? Were there any originals? Wasn't what was done by foreigners everywhere, starting from the government center of the country, really the actual and obvious evidence to prove the opposite? In reality, Wilson, along with his principles, was withdrawn from the stage and there was no audience for the occupation of the lands belonging to the Ottoman country in Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Izmir, Adana and everywhere else? In the face of such definite signs of collapse, is it possible for men with intelligence, understanding and conscience to deceive themselves? If such men are so foolish as to deceive themselves, can the wise and those who see the terrible truth endure their holding on to the destiny of the country? If these men know the truth and do not deceive themselves, what is the point of trying so hard to deceive the nation into a flock of sheep to the clutches of the enemy?

Considering all these points, I leave the decision to be made to the public.

OUR ONLY DEFECT

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Gentlemen, despite the meaninglessness of the government's declaration and the infirmity of its ideas, we, on behalf of the Representative Committee, decide to support the new cabinet on the same date, 7 October. We are giving the good news to the nation that there has been a complete reconciliation between the new government and the national cause. We are taking measures to increase the power of the government and make it easier by ensuring that there is no interference in the affairs of the government everywhere. We are getting a situation that will actually prove that there is complete unity inside and outside. In summary; In order to ensure the salvation of the country, we are trying to do everything that those who think honestly and sincerely have to do in terms of mind and conscience - everything that comes to mind. We provide encouragement and advice to ensure that deputies are elected as soon as possible. We don't just do anything. We are not disbanding the national organization. That's our only fault. After Damat Ferit Pasha, we feel that we will not let some bird brains gathered around another groom Pasha as grand vizier, minister, so that they can easily implement the despicable thoughts of a lowly sultan.

Our representative, Cemal Pasha, does not hesitate to take every possible means to get our positive opinion about the cabinet and to gain our trust. He made Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha praise the cabinet and advise that our existence should be erased.

AHMET IZZET PASHA'S ADVICE

To Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha Indeed, with Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha's signature inside the code, Cemal We received a telegram from Pasha dated 7/8 October 1919: Harbiye, 7/8.10.1919 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha I visited my old and close friends who are in the majority in the new cabinet and had a conversation about the center of the situation. Considering the vital interests of the nation and the country, on some of the situations I learned, I would like to express the following thoughts, relying on the longstanding friendly relations between us and the fraternal feelings coming from the military:

The beneficial effects of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and the National Struggle have been accepted by everyone, in order to prevent the threat of invasion and extinction that the country has suffered for a few months.

However, it is also accepted that the person who can take the responsibility of this service is dependent on the establishment of a legal administration, which is owned by those who see the truth and view the truth. Now, in my weak opinion, there is a necessity for the government and the nation to separate from the duality and show a unity view. I believe that everyone has confidence in the well-intentioned and consistent thoughts of the people who make up the cabinet. The horrific effects of domestic issues on foreign policy, which will not allow any cabinet to carry out its duties permanently, are too obvious to require an explanation. Urgent measures are taken by the Ottoman Government for the election of the deputies as soon as possible and the assembly of the Assembly. I have full confidence that a sincere consensus will be reached since today's report will understand how their heroic determination and intentions for the liberation of the homeland were received by the members of the government.

However, a reliable and well-informed person who came to me this morning said that some undesirable and unpleasant events took place in Kütahya and Bilecik. It is natural to anticipate and accept that there will be many external and internal incentives and provocations to drag us into conflict and dissolution. On the other hand, with a telegram from the deputy governor of Kastamonu, which was shown by one of the armorers, it was as if the Istanbul Government wanted to be ordered in matters such as the appointment and punishment of some civil servants. Such cases would be welcomed in such authorization documents, as it would be to show how much the state has brought it down to this level and to what extent it has been disparaged in your opinion.

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I expect from your well-known intelligence and conjectures, that those who imitate the mismanagement seen are not given the opportunity to act in this way. In summary, I sincerely recommend and request the establishment of unity in the country and the establishment of a connection with the government within the framework of basic laws (Ahmet ÿzzet) .

Harbiye Pasha Cemal It was deemed appropriate to give a soft and even convincing response to this telegram, trying not to reveal any of our personal feelings and thoughts as much as possible. The answer is: Password = Sivas, 7/8.18.1919 I : 7/8.10.1919 To His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha To His Excellency Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha Your high thoughts are highly appreciated. Thank you for the positive opinion about the effects of the National Struggle. I would like you to be assured that the national services will be continued with consistent measures, and that we will work with all our might to establish a lawful government. Because our struggle is aimed at opening a legal period. Thanks be to God, since the government and the nation have reached a complete consensus, the unity that has reached the level of mutual sincerity and maturity that we are sure will continue will present itself in such a way as to guarantee the interests of the nation and the country.

The nation's non-compliance with the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, whose bad practices and politics are known to everyone, and that they did not participate in its aims and actions, did not have any dangerous effect on our foreign policy; on the contrary, it has eliminated all the bad influences caused by the Ferit Pasha Cabinet and ensured our favorable political situation today, which we gratefully acknowledge. There is no doubt that agreeing with the current cabinet, which has gained the trust of the nation, will make our domestic situation very useful and effective on foreign policy. In extraordinary situations, the occurrence of some undesirable events in some places is inevitable and ordinary things that cannot be avoided. If the oppression and evil faced by the innocent and wronged people, especially in places such as Kütahya, Bilecik and Eskiÿehir, are thought about, please and a little wisely, it can be understood by dwelling on how justified the events seen as the subject of complaint are. Considering that the pathetic and heartbreaking situation here was caused by the sluggish behavior of the old government, I believe it would be unfair to attempt to hold the National Struggle responsible for these events. I will ask you to excuse him for the telegram of the Deputy Governor of Kastamonu, which was mentioned by his personal states.

Because this type of application was made not only from Kastamonu, but also from other places. If the initially undecided attitude of the Beni cabinet had continued for a day or two, such applications would have poured in from all corners of the country. From now on, all necessary measures will be taken to ensure that such acts are never allowed, necessary effects will be made, and sincere efforts will be made to ensure full agreement and close cooperation with the government within the framework of fundamental laws, following the advice of their respective states. I kiss your hands with respect and reverence, sir.

Mustafa Kemal

ALI RIZA PASHA DISCOVERS THAT THE REPUBLIC WILL BE ESTABLISHED

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Gentlemen, reviewing the advice written by Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha and our response to it brought back a memory. Let me say it so that it is known to the nation and goes down in history:

Ali Rÿza Pasha visits Ahmet Izzet Pasha one day. During the conversation, he says something against me and adds an important discovery to these rumors: "They will establish a republic, the Republic!" he shouts. As a matter of fact, gentlemen, in Macedonia, after Ali Rÿza Pasha, the Commander-in-Chief of the Western Armies of the Ottoman Empire, defeated and destroyed the huge Turkish armies made up of lions, and abandoned and donated the fertile Macedonian lands to the enemy; in the most critical moment of the state; It could have been taken for granted that Vahdettin had gained the qualifications necessary to serve his ambitions and that this famous commander-in-chief of the armies would consider bringing the former Chief of General Staff to the Ministry of War as his most capable assistant this time. However, it is impossible not to admire the fact that the National Struggle targeted the republic so quickly and easily.

Gentlemen, it is a very valuable friend who gave me this information, heard the story from ÿzzet Pasha himself, and is among you now.

SALÿH PASHA IS COMING TO MEET WITH THE DELEGATION

Gentlemen, Cemal Pasha, with a code dated 9 October 1919, informed that it was deemed appropriate for the Navy Nâzÿn Salih Pasha to set out to meet closely with the Representative Committee. However, since Salih Pasha was a little disturbed, after it was stated that the meeting place would be as close as possible and that it would be appropriate to move from Istanbul by sea, he asked who and where it was planned to meet from the Committee of Representatives. In our reply on October 10, we identified Amasya as the meeting place. Rauf and Bekir Sami Beys were going to meet with me from the Representative Committee. We reported this too. We requested that the date and time of Salih Pasha's departure from Istanbul and when he could arrive in Amasya be informed. Gentlemen, we continued to work on expanding and rooting the national organization all over the country. At the same time, we were trying to ensure and speed up the holding of parliamentary elections. We were even recommending some people by sharing our views on this matter to those who needed it. However, although we do not accept as a principle not to nominate candidates on behalf of the society, we sincerely wanted the applicants to be among those who adopted the principles and decisions of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association, and we also declared that such people should voluntarily put forward their candidacy on behalf of the society. On October 11, 1919, we gave some orders again regarding the issues I presented. Due to the fact that the civil servants serving the national cause were transferred and relocated for a reason, and the civil servants who were fired by the nation for being against the national cause continued to be protected as civil servants, complaints and complaints began to come from some places that they could not understand what it meant to agree with the new cabinet. We wanted to draw the attention of the cabinet by writing this matter to Cemal Pasha on 11 October.

MILITARY NIGEHBAN SOCIETY

Also, Sirs, you know that a defeatist group called the Military Nigehban Society had sprung up in Istanbul. According to the information at that time, those who were in charge of this group, Kiraz Hamdi Pasha, were accused of theft.

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Staff Colonel Refik Bey, who was expelled from the army because of his corruption, Major Kemal Bey from the former Halaskar Group, Artillery Major Hakkÿ Efendi, the former Bandÿrma Dispatch Head, and Staff Major Nevres Bey, who was expelled from the army and it is not known whether he cut his ties with this association or retired from the army. It consisted of people who had been murdered and a small number of people who were known for their immorality. This association published a statement in the ÿkdam newspaper dated September 23, 1919 and numbered 8123. With this declaration, the association wanted to masquerade as the guardian of the homeland and nation. During the time of Cevat Pasha's Ministry of War, prosecution was started against this association. It was cut off due to changes. The existence and activity of such an association was getting on the nerves of the members of the army. Applications to the Hey'et-i Temsiliye started. On 12 October 1919, I asked the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, for his own success, to uproot this nest of mischief, to punish its members severely, and to inform the army of the proceedings in this way.

"On October 15, I privately announced to the entire army the short and precise telegram I received from Cemal Pasha on October 14, stating that "this has been decided for sure". However, I cannot remember that this definitive decision of Cemal Pasha was never implemented.

A POLITICS THAT DOESN'T CLAUSE THE Occupation

Masters, you will remember, the British evacuated Merzifon and after a policy, Samsun. On this occasion and after the fall of the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, the people of Sivas organized a lantern procession and demonstrated. Some speeches were given. Meanwhile, the people shouted "Down with the occupation". The newspaper ÿrade-i Milliye, published in Sivas, wrote about this event as it happened. Interior Minister Damat ÿerif Pasha, based on the news of this newspaper, the articles in the form of "down with the invasion" in a communiqué he made to the province of Sivas are not suitable for the current policy of the government; he was saying. What does that mean, Gentlemen? Was the government following a policy that did not make the occupation a crime? Or, as he said "down with the occupation", would it lead to more occupation of his hometown? Was it reasonable and politically correct for the nation to remain silent and calm in the face of invasion and attack, and not appear to have reacted to the occupation? Could such a crippled and animalistic thought be the basis for politics that could save a state that had been kicked to the brink of collapse and extinction? In this connection, in a telegram I wrote to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha on 12 October 1919, I said: "We find it appropriate and appropriate that the nation, seeing that a part of the homeland has been evacuated, has expressed its feelings in this way, even more clearly, and that "the nation's real Based on their feelings, we expect the government to reject these unjust invasions with a political language and officially, and to protest the interventions made in violation of the Armistice Agreement and to demand the correction of what has been done," he said. If there are points that are not yet known, I asked them to be clarified.

The answer of our representative and the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, is very interesting. In this reply dated October 18, 1919, the meaning of the following sentences is remarkable: "The Istanbul Government, which has undertaken the responsibility of running the affairs within the framework of the national cause, has to watch the political obligations in its attitude and business, and to act more hospitably and softly towards foreigners.

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A GUEST WHO DRIVES THEIR BAILODES IN THE HEART OF THE NATION Minister of War

Gentlemen, the Cabinet of Rÿza Pasha and the person who is the Minister of War in that cabinet welcomes the enemies who have invaded our beloved homeland and stuck their bayonets into the heart of the nation as guests, and sees it necessary to act hospitably and softly against them. What is this, what is this head? Was this a national cause? The Minister of War, especially at this time when the activities undertaken to misinterpret the national enterprises were not weakening, explained that he believed that the prudent actions I pointed out were not unwarranted, telling that the national initiatives had been damaged, and that's why he made us accept that his measures to repair the evil that had occurred were not unfounded. He's trying to show off his mastery.

The Minister of War ends his telegram with the following sentence: "Since it is a clear fact that today's government, which has gained the trust of the great nation, which has proven its maturity with its works, will make people listen more to the outside as they are free in their affairs. I ask them to support the work more."

Gentlemen, Cemal Pasha really touches on important points: First, by saying that he has proven the maturity of the nation, indirectly making us feel that there is no need for us to step forward on behalf of the nation and lead the way, he considers us some unnecessary interventionists in the eyes of the nation. Secondly, he says that we did not free the government and therefore prevent it from obeying the outside.

Gentlemen, the works proving the maturity of our great nation, the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses and the decisions taken in these congresses, the creation of unity and solidarity by trying to implement these decisions, and the actions, behaviors and actions such as overthrowing the Damat Ferit Pasha Cabinet, which tried to destroy those who made the Sivas Congress. it was wakefulness. To be content with this, to release the government by abandoning the duty of conscience to lead the nation, as in all these movements and activities, could only be possible under one condition. It was also to believe that a national cabinet based on the National Assembly, which would be understood to be worthy of being freed, assuming the destiny of the country and the nation as required. Could it be expected from rational and understanding patriots to be a spectator of the treacherous, ignorant and stupid acts of a delegation made up of brutish people, devoid of emotion and understanding, trying to stifle the nation's protest of "Down with the occupation!"?

Also, Efendiler, Cemal Pasha: "The current government, which has won the trust of the nation, was resorting to a huge and obvious lie with its words. It was not clear whether the people trusted the government or not. This statement could only be said, at least, after the cabinet received a vote of confidence before the National Assembly. Even the members of the National Assembly had not yet been elected. The minute the Minister of War uttered these words, he had gained the trust of only one person. He, too, was the traitor Vahdettin, who was polluting the presidency. He wanted to accept that the Hey'et-i Temsiliye needed to agree with them as if it was to have confidence in the name of the nation. If this was their aim, where did the necessity arise from removing this delegation, which was a means of confidence for the nation?

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IS EXPANDING AND STRENGTHENING

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Gentlemen, the fall of the Ferit Pasha Government had a positive effect on their feelings and spirituality in some parts of the country that were in indecision. The organization was accelerated in all directions, especially civil and military chiefs.

Ali Fuat Pasha was interested in almost all of the western provinces. He was working in Eskiÿehir, Bilecik and then Bursa regions by walking around and communicating with the necessary people. Colonel Kazÿm Bey (President of the Assembly Kazÿm Pasha), who was in Balÿkesir, was interested and engaged in the national organization and military preparations of that region. governor, who was Ferit Pasha's man, to Istanbul, startedOn to enforce October the 8, Colonel decisions Bekir of the Sami Congress Bey, who and was formed in Bursa, a central sent the committee. As much as dealing with the national organization, parliamentary elections were also dealt with with great interest. The principle that all national organizations in the country should be affiliated to the Representative Committee under the same name was followed. In order to strengthen the organization in Eskiÿehir, Kütahya and Afyonkarahisar regions, measures were taken to facilitate connection in Aydÿn, Konya, Bursa and Balÿkesir regions. Information was given to the Ministry of War on the Western Fronts, and the government was trying to attract attention by asking what kind of actions and measures were being considered by the government. The issue of sending a commander to the forces on the Aydÿn front, which was led by the Efes, began to be considered. On October 14, a letter was written to Ali Fuat Pasha and the 23rd Division Commander in Afyonkarahisar, Ömer Lütfü Bey, for the establishment of a secret national organization in the occupied areas. However, at this time, it seemed from some places that the purpose was not well understood. For example, Redd-i ÿlhak Societies used to publish communiqués on their own behalf. In a letter sent with the signature of the President of the Redd-i ÿlhak Association on October 10, 1919, two representatives were asked from the provinces to convene a big congress on October 20, and some measures were reported.

On the other hand, it was understood that the Karakol Society was also active in the Bursa region besides Istanbul.

Necessary measures were taken to prevent this mess. In particular, it was written to Fuat Pasha, Kazÿm Pasha in Balikesir, Bekir Sami Bey in Bursa, and Bÿsa Central Committee as required.

The Entente and the Freedom Society sent about seventy-five people together with the enemies to organize against the national cause in Anatolia. This news has been received. The attention of the corps was drawn. It was decided to work undercover in Istanbul. In order to expand the organization, instructions were given to Thrace by Cafer Tayyar Bey.

WHERE THE ASSEMBLY MEBUSAN WILL MEET

While the gentlemen were trying to elect the deputies, on the other hand, the thought of where the Majlis-i Meb'usan could convene was plaguing our minds. You will remember that when I was responding to a telegram of Refet Pasha from Erzurum on this subject, I said that the Assembly should convene, but not in Istanbul, but in Anatolia. Because I could not imagine an act as illogical and aimless as the assembly of the Assembly in Istanbul. However, it was not possible for our thought to come true unless we convinced the authorities and the public about this fact. It was necessary to reveal the disadvantages of meeting in Istanbul as they were. For this purpose, and to show the national cause as if it were against Greeks, foreigners, Christians, Ali Kemal and Mehmet Ali Beys

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Upon the meetings held in the Armenian Patriarchate and the initiatives of the Freedom and Entente Party, we drew the attention of the Istanbul Government through the Minister of War. While trying to learn from the government through Cemal Pasha, on 13 October 1919, after the opening of the Majlis-i Law Society, he was trying to learn from the government what kind of political situation the Defense of the Law Society should take. We also asked what kind of political assurance was thought to be obtained. On the same date, Colonel ÿevket Bey, who was in the central committee of our organization in Istanbul and was the Commander of Çanakkale Fortified Area, what security and protection measures were considered and what should be done in order to ensure that the Majlis-i Meb'usan would convene without fear in Istanbul. we asked.

AMASYA INTERVIEW

Gentlemen, as you remember, it was decided to meet with the Minister of the Navy Salih Pasha in Amasya. There was a possibility of negotiating with Nazÿr Pasha on issues related to the government's foreign policy, internal administration and the future of the army. Therefore, I think it was very useful to know the thoughts and opinions of the corps commanders in advance. In my code of 14 October 1919, I asked the corps commanders' opinions on these three points. You read the reports of the commanders among the documents. Salih Pasha departed from Istanbul on 15 October. We set off from Sivas on 16 October. We were in Amasya on October 18th. Salih Pasha was instructed to hold bright welcoming ceremonies by the national organization at the piers he would visit and to be greeted by us. We welcomed him with a big ceremony in Amasya. Our talks with Salih Pasha, which started on October 20 in Amasya, ended on October 22. At the end of the negotiations that lasted for three days, five different protocols were drawn up, each in two copies. Three of these five separate protocols were signed by us, those who remained with Salih Pasha, and those who remained with us by Salih Pasha. Two protocols were not signed as they were considered confidential. The decisions taken at the end of the Amasya Interview were also reported to the corps.

Gentlemen, in this connection, I would like to make one point. In our opinion, the main point was to certify that the national organization and the Representative Committee are a political entity officially recognized by the Istanbul Government, that our meetings are of an official nature and that the results must be strictly followed by the parties.

Therefore, it was important to have the minutes containing the results of the negotiations accepted as protocols and to have the Minister of the Navy, the representative of the Istanbul Government, signed it. It can be said that the protocol text dated October 21, 1919 is almost entirely the proposals of Salih Pasha and consists of some articles that are acceptable to accept. The second protocol, dated October 22, 1919, is the summary of a long and controversial meeting in the form of a memorandum.

In this meeting, after an introduction that included broad statements on the mutual assurances of both sides regarding the Caliphate and the Sultanate, the discussion of the items in the declaration of the Sivas Congress dated 11 September 1919 began: 1 - In the first article of the declaration, it was jointly agreed that the designed and accepted limits should be achieved with a minimum request.

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Ostensibly, it was deemed appropriate to prevent the defeatist propagandas being made with the aim of gaining independence for the Kurds. It was mentioned that there was a request to separate Çukurova (Cilicia), one of the regions currently under enemy occupation, from the motherland in order to make a buffer state between Arabia and Turkey. That this part of Anatolia, which is the darkest Turkish environment, the most fertile and rich region, will not be consented to be separated in any way; The principle that it was not possible for the province of Aydÿn to be separated from the homeland with the same certainty (and first of all) was generally accepted.

As for the subject of Thrace: Here, too, the possibility of an apparently independent government, in reality the establishment of a colonial state, and in that case, a desire to separate the region from Eastern Thrace to the MidyeEnez line from us was taken into consideration. However, the principle of not consenting to leave Edirne and the Maritza border in any way, even to join an independent Islamic government, was accepted jointly. However, it was said that the final decision of the Assembly regarding all the issues mentioned in this article will certainly be complied with.

2 - The paragraph in the fourth article of the declaration stating that it is not acceptable to give privileges to minorities that would disrupt our political dominance and social balance was emphasized. It has been suggested that this record should be considered as an indispensable desire to actually ensure our independence, and that the slightest sacrifice to be made from it would deeply damage our independence. The aim mentioned in this article, which is not to give too many privileges to minorities, has been accepted as a necessary goal to be achieved. However, it has been noted that the votes and decisions of the National Assembly will be valid here as well as at the end of the first article, both on this issue and on other issues related to the defense of our right to life.

3 - In accordance with the seventh article of the declaration, it was discussed how to meet our needs in the fields of technique, industry and economy, provided that our independence is fully protected. If there is a state that will pour a lot of capital into our country, the extent of a control right that may be required over our financial affairs cannot be predicted, so this issue will not harm our independence and our real national interests.

4 - Other articles of the Sivas Congress resolutions dated September 11, 1919 were approved on the condition that they be submitted to the approval of the Parliament. 5 - After that, the situation of the Anadolu and Rumelia Defense of Rights Association, which is included in the 11th article of the Sivas Congress's resolutions of September 4, 1919, regarding the organizational part, the next way of working and its field were discussed. In this article, it is explained that the shape of the society will be determined by the congress decision after the National Assembly, which will make the national will prevail, has the right to legislate and audit with security and freedom, and this security is confirmed by the National Assembly. It was said that the congress in question here does not have to be a separate congress outside of Istanbul, like the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses held so far.

The deputies who accept the program of the society can be accepted as the representatives shown in the bylaws of the society, and the special meeting to be held by them can replace the congress. After that, it was said that the National Assembly should be able to function freely in Istanbul in complete security. The extent to which this can be achieved under today's conditions has been thoroughly considered. Due to the enemy occupation of Istanbul, the idea was put forward that it would not be very convenient for the deputies to fulfill their legislative duties properly. As the French did in Bordeaux (Bordeaux) and later the Germans in Weimar (Vaymar) in the 1870-1871 war, temporarily, until the peace treaty was concluded, the National Assembly was to be held in another reliable place in Anatolia, acceptable to the sultanate government. collection was deemed appropriate.

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After the assembly of the National Assembly, it will be clear to what extent it will be in security and secrecy in terms of working conditions, and if complete security is seen, the Society will terminate the activity of the Representative Committee, and the working goal of its organization, as I have stated above, is: It is stated that it will be decided in a special meeting that will take the place of the congress. Since the government had ordered that there should be complete freedom in the election of deputies, it was stated that the Committee of the Association intervened during the elections.

It has been taken into account that if there are members of the Committee of Union and Progress and tainted persons in the army among the deputies, it would be appropriate to make some suggestions by the Representative Committee in order not to allow them to be elected as deputies and to guide them. The assistance of the Hey'et-i Temsiliye in this matter was also determined as the Third Protocol as a formula.

The fourth protocol, which was not signed because it was considered confidential, was as follows:

1 - Correction of the sultan's will and other orders regarding the dismissal of some commanders from the army and the assignment of some officers to the Divan-ÿ Harb. 2 - Investigation of remedies for those who had been deported to Malta to be brought to Istanbul to be prosecuted in our own courts. 3 - Bringing those who are considered to be related to the Armenian persecution to the court (it will be left to the National Assembly).

4 - Protesting the evacuation of Izmir by the Istanbul Government again and holding public demonstrations, if necessary, with secret instructions. 5 - Replacement of Gendarmerie General Commander, Central Commander, Chief of Police and Undersecretary of Internal Affairs (by the Ministry of War and Internal Affairs). 6 - Preventing the British Society of Opponents (door-to-door) from sealing papers to the public. 7 - Ending the activities of associations bought with foreign currency and the harmful publications of such newspapers (especially strictly prohibiting officers and civil servants from entering such associations).

8 - Strengthening and feeding the Aydÿn Kuva-yÿ Milliye (this issue is regulated by the Ministry of War. Necessary amount of 400,000 liras of the Navy Society can be allocated by the government for this purpose).

9 - Special discussion of the situation before the appointment of civil servants who were dismissed by the nation due to their actions contrary to the national cause, and that the civil servants who participated in the National Struggle were not removed until a general pacification and security was achieved. 10 - Ensuring the transportation of Western Thrace immigrants. 11- Appropriate support of Acimi Sadun Pasha and his men. The unsigned fifth protocol also included the names of those who could attend the Peace Conference. However, the government would be free in this matter, provided that the main principles were followed. Delegates : His Excellency Tevfik Pasha President Ahmet Izzet Pasha His Excellency Military Representative Minister of Foreign Affairs Political Representative Reÿat Hikmet Bey Political Representative Committee of Experts : Hâmit Bey Finance Colonel ÿsmet Bey Military Service Reÿit Bey Political Affairs Engineer Muhtar Bey Public Works Colonel Ali Rÿza Bey Marine Colonel Refet Bey Statistics Emirî Efendi History Münir Bey Legal Counsel A Specialist Trade

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A person who is an expert in his affairs. Writing Committee who knows the privileges of various sects: Reÿit Saffet Bey Finance

Former Private Secretary of the Ministry ÿevki Bey SalihBey Orhan Bey Hüseyin Bey Robert College Turkish teacher Gentlemen, I think that among the principles determined in these meetings, the most important point is about the meeting place of the National Assembly. We made Salih Pasha accept and confirm our old view and opinion that it is not right for the Assembly to convene in Istanbul. However, although the Pasha himself agreed with this view, he added that this participation was his own and that he could not speak on behalf of the cabinet in advance. He promised to do his best to convince the cabinet members of this view and to get them to agree, and said that if he failed, he had nothing to do but to resign from the cabinet.

Salih Pasha was not successful in this regard. I am ending my explanations about the Amasya Interview to return to the meeting place of the Parliament.

AN ATTEMPT AGAINST ME IN SÿVAS: THE SHEH RECEP EVENT

Only, Masters, as soon as we left Sivas to come to Amasya, an unpleasant incident took place in Sivas. Let me give you a brief overview of this event: After we arrived in Amasya, we received information that the Entente and Hürriyetists united with foreigners and engaged in some treacherous deeds. I immediately reported this to everywhere with a circular. I heard that there was an attempt to send a telegram to the Sultan against me in Sivas, but I did not believe it. Of course, I said that the vigilance and vigilance of our friends at the Hey'et-i Temsiliye, the people affiliated with our headquarters, the governor and others prevent this. However, Sheikh Recep and three of his friends, Ahmet Kemal and Celal, sent the telegrams they wanted one night in the telegraph office through a telegrapher affiliated with them... Indeed, they brought the following telegram from the Amasya telegraph office belonging to Salih Pasha:

l6613 K. Sivas, 18.10.1919 To His Excellency Salih Pasha, the Minister of the Navy. To His Excellency Saadetli Nari Bey, Adjutant of the Sultan To understand what has been going on in our country since the events and to gain insight into them.

your country and nation to come to the city center by taking the trouble to find out. wishes on behalf of their interests, again on behalf of the country and nation, their presence on the machine.

We request you with all our devotion. Sheikh ÿemsedin-i Sivasi Ulema Eshraf Recep Kamil, one of his grandchildren, merchants and artisans.

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There is Zaralÿ-zâde Celâl seal.

ÿlyas-zâde Ahmet Kemal

I also received the following telegram dated 19 October 1919: To Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Amasya, Unless our people hear the views of the sultan and the government from Salih Pasha or from a reliable mouth, they will not be able to see the conflict as resolved. In this regard, we suggest that you have to choose one of two ways.

ÿlyas-zade Zaralÿ-zâde ÿeyh ÿemseddin-i Sÿvasi Recep Kamil, one of the grandsons of Ahmet Kemal Celal

Gentlemen, we are trying to show the right path for the whole country and enlighten the people. But our enemies also succeed in finding vile means to carry out their nefarious intentions against us, everywhere and even in the city of Sivas where we live. Despite all our warnings, as soon as I left there, the absent-mindedness of the people in Sivas is a good example of how much laxity and connivance has arisen everywhere.

On October 19, friends in Sivas gave the following telegram signed by the Representative Committee:

The copy of the telegram sent to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha by Sheikh Recep and his friends to the telegraph office in Amasya to be sent to their State is presented below: Artillery Major Kemal Bey is also conducting an investigation on this issue. In this telegram, they also attach a copy of the telegram that I have received. Sivas Telegraph Manager also gives the following information on the same day:

I present to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha the telegrams written under the signatures of Recep, ÿlyas-zâde Ahmet Kemal and Zaralÿ-zâde Celâl, one of the grandchildren of Sheikh ÿemseddin-i Sÿvasi. These telegrams were brought at night and our officers were threatened and printed. Everyone has, of course, the right to write telegrams on their own terms. However, far from being forbidden for anyone to enter the machine room, it is in the nature of rebellion to engage in behaviors that will harm the authority and dignity of the government, such as intimidation and intimidation of civil servants. I presented the situation to the high floor of the Governorship. I would also like to submit to the states that are working for the establishment of a healthy order in the country. It is requested that my deep respect be accepted.

19 October 1919 Chief Manager

grace

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To the Chief of the Istanbul Headquarters: It is the traitor of religion and the state, who prevented the delivery of our telegrams, which were presented through the mouth of the people and which were presented for the sake of the country and the nation. It will eventually cause bloodshed. Our determination to announce it to the Sultan is certain. We are waiting for a reply.

On behalf of the homeland and nation, we are waiting for the response of the petition presented to our Master, the Sultan, through the High Floor of the Mabeyn-i Humayun Supreme Inscription.

Via Mabeyn-i Humayun

To His Excellency the Caliph, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the head of the Congress Committee, which was established in Sivas, Anatolia and Rumelia under the name of the Association for the Defense of the Anatolian and Rumelia, spread the news that you, the Sultan Efendi, carried the documents of trust, who wanted to cover up his evil deeds in our country. together with a small group, they present themselves as representatives of the national will. However, we have been informed that the Minister of the Navy Salih Pasha and Naci Bey, the Chief Aide-de-camp of our Lord, have been sent to Amasya, as it is a requirement of our religion to be devoted to our glorious Caliph and beloved Sultan in this way and to be absolutely devoted to him. In order to pacify the excitement among the people, we did not receive a reply to our invitation telegram bearing more than two hundred signatures from the scholars, the notables of the city and the merchants. With all our devotion, we beg and pray that they be sent to Sivas so that the state of the public can be seen on the spot. In this regard, and in any case, the orders and edicts belong to our Lord, our Sultan.

The lords, the enemies, had really played an important role in Sheikh Recep. Among the documents that I will present in due course, in a letter from Sait Molla to Priest Frew dated October 24, Mullah was saying to the priest, "How did you find the Sivas incident? It's a bit irregular, but it will get better gradually."

Just at a time when a delegation that talks about the unity and solidarity of the whole nation and the spread of the national organization to all corners of the country is going to engage in talks with the new cabinet representative against the head of a delegation, who, in accordance with the common will of the nation, based on the military and national organization, overthrows the cabinet, and confronts the new cabinet. Of course, it was meaningful that a telegram showing that an uprising broke out on behalf of all Sivas people could be sent by threatening the telegraph office on the day after he left Sivas. It is really difficult to prove that the whole nation will not have the same feelings and thoughts when the people of Sivas, which they are in, are against such a delegation. Then, why shouldn't it be right to judge that the power on which the president is based on with such a delegation with such a representative ability will also be rotten!

It is appreciated how strong and important this voice raised from Sivas is for the enemies. Gentlemen, I had Salih Pasha's telegram delivered to him when he came to Amasya. However, I wanted Sheikh Recep and his friends to be punished by the government. At the beginning of the telegram, on October 19, I asked the members of the Representative Committee in Sivas: 1-Did you see the telegram sent to the General Secretariat of the Palace with the signatures of Sheikh Recep, Ahmet Kemal and Celal? 2 - Isn't there a duty officer in the telegraph office?

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3 - How can such arrogance be done when you are all there? Moreover, the attempts of these crazy people are known to all of you. We heard that they prepared three signed telegrams to Salih Pasha and Naci Bey. Didn't you know about this? 4 - Wasn't there a notification made yesterday with a circular that the Entente and the Hürriyetists, together with the foreigners, were engaged in some treacherous acts? 5 - What is the reason why the telegraph officers, who were pressured and intimidated, did not immediately inform the necessary people, the Governor Pasha and other relevant persons, and the officer on duty showed heedlessness in this? 6 - What are the measures taken after the Chief Director gave information?

Mustafa Kemal When it was understood that the governorship left the issue to the military authorities, Chief of Staff of the Corps Zeki I also wrote to Mr. Is it because the resources available to the governor's office were used or deemed insufficient to arrest and punish those involved in the incident in question? Or is it hesitant to take action by the governor against these arrogant acts? Once this situation is understood, the solution of the issue becomes easier and more fundamental.

Mustafa Kemal Then I gave the following order to those in Sivas: 1- Telegraphhane will be completely taken under control. A squad of soldiers will be placed under the command of an officer. As before, traitors who will make mind-blowing and insecurity-destroying attempts against the legitimate unity of the nation by occupying the telegraph house and putting pressure on the officials will definitely be prevented. Weapons will be used without hesitation, wherever they are, against those who go beyond the legal limits and attack the soldiers in such security-destroying actions. 2 - Based on the reasons put forward by the Chief of Staff in terms of correcting those who attempt to act arrogantly, necessary action will be taken immediately, without giving them a chance to escape, and the result will be reported within an hour or two. However, it is truly regrettable that none of the people present to make a decision on this issue take the initiative and attempt to ask us what to do. This decision was ordered by the 5th Division Commander, Cemil Cahit Bey, whose battalion was in Sivas, to the battalion commander. It is requested that at least help is given to the swift implementation of this decision.

3 - In order to ensure discipline in Sivas, I request that certain and severe measures be taken with vigilance and with all concerned.

Mustafa Kemal Specially gave the following directive to Osman Tufan and Recep Zühtü Beys: The actions to be taken against those who acted arrogantly against the National Struggle have been reported to the relevant parties. It is requested that the known persons are arrested by following the situation and whether the necessary action is fully taken and if it is condoned, by intervening in person, and that their accomplices are rendered harmless. In this regard, if it is deemed necessary, one should not be shy about doing what is necessary, no matter who they are against.

Mustafa Kemal

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On October 20, Governor Reÿit Pasha, after explaining the issue at length, wrote that the event was prevented when there was a possibility of expansion, and it was understood that similar situations would not arise due to the swift and violent intervention shown. Gentlemen, of course, you did not suspect that the Istanbul Government punished Sheikh Recep and his friends. We will come across the atrocities that this sluggish and vulgar sheikh, who signed his name as one of the grandchildren of Sheik ÿemseddin from Sivas, will attempt as a tool in the hands of the enemies from now on.

PROJECTS BY ADAPAZARI

Gentlemen, the situation we encountered while we were still in Amasya did not end with the case of Sheikh Recep alone.

A similar event was observed in Adapazarÿ. If you'll allow me, let me briefly present it to you:

Talustan Bey, who was born on the Akyazÿ side of the Adapazarÿ district, came from Istanbul with money and directives, and Bekir Bey, who promised 30 liras for those who would become cavalrymen and 15 liras for those who would enroll in infantry, and a collector named Beslan from the Avÿar village of Sapanca unite. These men decide to raid the town of Adapazarÿ with some horsemen and pedestrians they have gathered on their heads. The Adapazarÿ district governor named Tahir Bey gets news of this. Tahir Bey, taking a major sent from Izmit and twenty-five horsemen he gathered himself, takes action against those who come to raid the town. They meet in a village called Latife. This disorderly group was asked about the reason for their actions... The answer they gave was as follows: We want to come to Adapazarÿ to find out whether His Excellency the Sultan is alive and in the high caliphate positions. We cannot replace Mustafa Kemal Pasha as the Sultan... In the information that Tahir Bey gave to the Governor of Izmit at the machine, it was recorded that the aforementioned people said that they were in contact with important people in Istanbul and that the Sultan was even aware of these movements. According to the official information: Bekir gave a week to the people gathered there for this job in Istanbul, five days passed. Two days left. It was also reported that he said let's finish the job quickly. The Division Commander in Izmit was going to send a detachment to Adapazarÿ. Ali Fuat Pasha would also send some forces to Düzce. On October 23, the Division Commander in Izmit was informed that Bekir had been sent by the Entente and Hürriyetists and foreign enemies, and that his defeatist actions had to be prevented. I also ordered Adapazarÿ District Governor Tahir Bey, directly on October 23, never to be lax in the drastic and swift measures to be implemented against Bekir and his friends, to prevent their losses and to report the result. Gentlemen, with a code dated October 23, we informed the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, the information we obtained about the deeds and identities of Bekir and his accomplices. We said that we would have to resort to the most severe measures if it touches it.

A national and military detachment from Izmit, which was reinforced at the scene, dispersed many gathered and gathering conspirators, captured the collector Beslan and his brother Hasan Çavuÿ, the main one who had arrived from Istanbul a week ago with special directives and money. Baker ran away. This is Bekir, dismissed as an officer and from Manyas. With the orders we have to give from now on,

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One of the agitators and plotters in Izmit, known as the Englishman Ibrahim, and some others were prosecuted.

Bekir's attempt was in vain as a result of the measures taken at the scene and he escaped, however, it is highly probable that he would return to Istanbul and make malicious attempts there again, and he sent a special prosecution from Amasya to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, on 26 October 1919. I wrote.

In the telegram from Bolu Governor Haydar Bey on October 27, 1919: Although there were two officers and forty armed men under Bekir's command, the people of the Abaza villages, on behalf of the current government, It was reported that he spent a lot of money by inciting the struggle against the struggle and that his writings to the Ministry were not accepted. Gentlemen, I believe that our applications, which consist of warning the government and inviting it to do its duty, in such matters, of course, do not count as meddling in the government's business. It would not be appropriate to wait until the moment when the attempts of the internal and external enemies, which we do not doubt, with the knowledge and consent of the Sultan, which were organized in front of the government in Istanbul, would actually succeed, and to surrender naively by saying that the government would of course take precautions and prevent it. Gentlemen, on the 20th of October, when we started the negotiations in Amasya, the summary of the information received was as follows: In Istanbul, the Freedom and Entente Party, the Military Nigehban Society and the Society of Enthusiasts formed a bloc. With this bloc, people like Ali Kemal and Sait Molla started to incite the minorities against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye constantly. The Greek and Armenian patriarchs applied to the representatives of the Entente States against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. Armenian Patriarch Zaven Efendi, in a letter he published in the newspaper Neologos, declared that Armenians were emigrating due to the last National Struggle movement. A man named Hikmet, the brother of Kazÿm, who was executed, started to gather some armed men around Adapazarÿ upon the directive he received from Istanbul. We will also come across the name of this Wisdom in an important document. Near Adapazarÿ, people began to gather in Deÿirmendere with money. It was reported that those gathered in gangs decided to raid the Geyve government building. Similar small movements were seen in Karacabey. In Bursa, the movements of the gangs gathered by Gümülcüneli ÿsmail started to be heard against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. All the detainees of the Nigehbanists were released from prison in one day.

The clashes of the gangs formed by the enemies against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, the open movement of the opposing bloc, the negative activities of the Istanbul police chief, the presence of ministers against us in the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet, had begun to depress some of our organizational centers, especially our center in Istanbul.

The government's inability to take any action to show that it had a purpose and decision, and only the negative and uninterrupted activity of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Serif Pasha, was a situation to be considered and worried about. Gentlemen, the situation we encountered while we were still in Amasya did not end with the case of Sheikh Recep alone.

A similar event was observed in Adapazarÿ. If you'll allow me, let me briefly present it to you:

Talustan Bey, who was born on the Akyazÿ side of the Adapazarÿ district, came from Istanbul with money and directives, and Bekir Bey, who promised 30 liras for those who would become cavalrymen and 15 liras for those who would enroll in infantry, and a collector named Beslan from the Avÿar village of Sapanca unite. These men decide to raid the town of Adapazarÿ with some horsemen and pedestrians they have gathered on their heads. The Adapazarÿ district governor named Tahir Bey gets news of this. Tahir Bey, taking a major sent from Izmit and twentyfive horsemen he gathered himself, takes action against those who come to raid the town. Waggery

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They meet in a village called This disorderly group was asked about the reason for their actions... The answer they gave was as follows: We want to come to Adapazarÿ to find out whether His Excellency the Sultan is alive and in the high caliphate positions. We cannot replace Mustafa Kemal Pasha as the Sultan...

In the information that Tahir Bey gave to the Governor of Izmit at the machine, it was recorded that the aforementioned people said that they were in contact with important people in Istanbul and that the Sultan was even aware of these movements. According to the official information: Bekir gave a week to the people gathered there for this job in Istanbul, five days passed. Two days left. It was also reported that he said let's finish the job quickly. The Division Commander in Izmit was going to send a detachment to Adapazarÿ. Ali Fuat Pasha was going to send some forces to Düzce. On October 23, the Division Commander in Izmit was informed that Bekir had been sent by the Entente and Hürriyetists and foreign enemies, and that his defeatist actions had to be prevented. I also ordered Adapazarÿ District Governor Tahir Bey, directly on October 23, never to be lax in the drastic and swift measures to be implemented against Bekir and his friends, to prevent their losses and to report the result.

Gentlemen, with a code dated October 23, we informed the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, the information we obtained about the deeds and identities of Bekir and his accomplices. We said that we would have to resort to the most severe measures if it touches it.

A national and military detachment from Izmit, which was reinforced at the scene, dispersed many gathered and gathering conspirators, captured the collector Beslan and his brother Hasan Çavuÿ, the main one who had arrived from Istanbul a week ago with special directives and money. Baker ran away. This Bekir was fired from the officership and is from Manyas. After that, with the orders we were obliged to give, prosecution began against one of the agitators and plotters in Izmit, known as the English Ibrahim, and some others.

Bekir's attempt was in vain as a result of the measures taken at the scene and he fled, but it is highly probable that he will return to Istanbul and make malicious attempts again, and that a special prosecution be made against him on 26 October 1919 from Amasya to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha. I wrote.

In the telegram from Bolu Governor Haydar Bey on October 27, 1919: Although there were two officers and forty armed men under Bekir's command, the people of the Abaza villages, on behalf of the current government, It was reported that he spent a lot of money by inciting the struggle against the struggle and that his writings to the Ministry were not accepted. Gentlemen, I believe that our applications, which consist of warning the government and inviting it to do its duty, in such matters, of course, do not count as meddling in the government's business. It would not be appropriate to wait until the moment when the attempts of the internal and external enemies, which we do not doubt, with the knowledge and consent of the Sultan, which were organized in front of the government in Istanbul, would actually succeed, and to surrender naively by saying that the government would of course take precautions and prevent it. Gentlemen, on the 20th of October, when we started the negotiations in Amasya, the summary of the information received was as follows: In Istanbul, the Freedom and Entente Party, the Military Nigehban Society and the Society of Enthusiasts formed a bloc. With this bloc, people like Ali Kemal and Sait Molla started to incite the minorities against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. Greek and Armenian patriarchs, Entente States against Kuva-yÿ Milliye

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appealed to their representatives. Armenian Patriarch Zaven Efendi, in a letter published in Teologos newspaper, declared that Armenians were emigrating because of the last National Struggle movement. Someone named Hikmet, the brother of Kazÿm, who was executed, started to gather some armed men around Adapazarÿ with the directive he received from Istanbul. We will also come across the name of this Wisdom in an important document. Near Adapazarÿ, people began to gather in Deÿirmendere with money. It was reported that those gathered in gangs decided to raid the Geyve government building. Similar small movements were seen in Karacabey. In Bursa, the movements of the gangs gathered by Gümülcüneli ÿsmail started to be heard against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. All the detainees of the Nigehbanists were released from prison in one day.

The clashes of the gangs formed by the enemies against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, the open movement of the opposing bloc, the negative activities of the Istanbul police chief, the presence of ministers against us in the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet, had begun to depress some of our organizational centers, especially our center in Istanbul.

The government's inability to take any action to show that it had a purpose and decision, and only the negative and uninterrupted activity of the Minister of Internal Affairs, Serif Pasha, was a situation to be considered and worried about.

PROCESSING KUVA-YI AGAINST NATIONALITY IN ISTANBUL

For the first time, Ankara was the first to show sensitivity and prioritize action. I received a code dated October 15, 1919, drawn by Ankara Deputy Governor Yahya Galip Bey to Sivas, in another code with the signature of the late Hayati Bey, in Amasya on October 22. That password is like this:

To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, His Excellency Pasha; We cannot leave our fate to the government unaware of the fate of the nation, nor to the governors who will be sent randomly. Since the thoughts we have presented to his people many times are not taken into account, the Istanbul Government, the former Governor of Bitlis, Ziya Pasha, who was not appointed by the Ferit Pasha Cabinet but could not send him here and in all his duties. He started to take his first step by appointing Suphi Bey, who could not exist, as the governor of Konya. Because of such situations, before the establishment of the Majlis-i Meb'usan, we had recently suggested that no outsider be appointed to any task. Since the current government has tried to send a governor here again, it means that the National Struggle here is wanted to be extinguished. Just as you decided to leave the military and work as a member of the nation, I also decided to withdraw from here and do the duty my nation gave me. I gave.

Please let me know to whom I will leave the power of attorney until the governor arrives, sir. 15 October 1919 Acting Governor of Ankara

Yahya Galip

A day later, on October 23, I received the following telegram from Cemal Pasha, dated October 21, 1919: Issue Kadÿköy, 21.10.1919 419 Mayor and Mufti Effendi from Ankara to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Amasya; that they will not accept the governor coming from outside; They argue on the basis of their own authority that Ankara should be appointed a governor from Ankara.

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Thus, making separate demands from each side puts the government in a difficult position. Villains and minorities interpret such situations in different ways. (...) Upon the promise to support the government, I request the need to prevent such matters. Of course, you accept that the governor, whose appointment is approved by the Sultan, should set out.

Minister of War Jamal

Indeed, the people of Ankara applied to Istanbul to protest against this appointment, even though he was the mufti efendi (His Excellency Rifat Efendi, who is the Head of Religious Affairs today). I gave many advices at the beginning of the telegram in order not to break the government authority by appeasing Ankara. However, it was impossible not to admit that Ankara was right. Finally, mentioning the telegram I wrote to the government through Cemal Pasha, I wrote to Mahmut Bey, the Deputy Commander of the Corps in Ankara, that the situation should be managed well until a reply was received. At this point, it would be appropriate to present a fact for your information by the way. We, who were the Representative Committee, understood the state of the government and what kind of government it was. We also understood that some of the government members regretted being in government and were looking for excuses to withdraw. Moreover, we were not unaware that, with the cooperation of the external and internal enemies and the Sultan, they were determined to bring to power another cabinet that would implement its views openly and swiftly instead of the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet. For this reason, we considered the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet the least harmful. Also, in the last four or five days after the fall of Ferit Pasha, the advices received from some parties regarding an agreement as quickly as possible, had a meaning and quality that had to be taken into account in our opinion. In this respect, we felt the need to make some sacrifices, if necessary, until we reached the goal safely.

In the password I wrote to Mr. Mahmut, these points were also stated implicitly. I will present the answer I gave to Cemal Pasha for your information as it is: Password Amasya, 24.10.1919 Private, Urgent

Attention to His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: Password numbered 419, dated 21.10.1919: It has been understood that the application and appeal made about the governor from Ankara stemmed from the following reasons:

It is as follows: In the reliable news received from Istanbul, it is stated that the British, the British Society of Opponents, the Entente and the Freedom and the Nigehbanists cooperated with the Christian minorities, they attempted to cripple the national organization and dissolve the Istanbul Government by sending many corrupters to Anatolia, and that these corrupters attempted to disband the Istanbul Government. and Bursa, as it has been reported that some incidents have been seen in Adapazarÿ in the last days, which has caused concern. The spread of the news that Governor Suphi Bey, who was sent to Konya, had told Refet Bey in Konya that he was one of the members of the Istanbul Board of the British Society of Enthusiasts, further increased the suspicion. Although Ziya Pasha, who was appointed to the governorship of Ankara, did not try anything about his attitude and honor, since his competence and power were also seen as doubtful, in a region such as Ankara, which is one of the most important centers of our national organization and struggle, before the situation became clear and complete peace and security could be achieved, The appointment of a helpless governor, who has no experience, to head the important affairs here, aroused hesitation. Deputy governor in Ankara and

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Upon the communications made between the commander and the Representative Committee, although it was considered natural to obey the orders and actions of the current government in any way, and acted in that way, directly the people themselves did not consider the assurance given against the danger they envisaged to be sufficient and did not fully comply. They applied directly to the government, considering the continuation of the deputy governor, whose loyalty to the national cause had been tried by them, essential until a security environment emerged. Upon the last writings of the Self-Governments, necessary people were interviewed in Ankara, and even if there were drawbacks, it was tried to ensure that Ziya Pasha was well received just in order not to undermine the authority of the government. However, it was not possible to convince the people, who were extremely frightened by the dangers they faced and the course of mischief, to accept it.

Since the Minister of Internal Affairs, Undoubtedly, appreciated the importance and seriousness of the situation we are in, and how demonicly our enemies were working all the time, they excused themselves from recognizing the officers who were worthy of being employed because they were new to the Ministry, and even served as the undersecretary of Adil Bey. Considering that Keÿif Bey, who is still working as an undersecretary, is self-explanatory, it is self-explanatory to what extent it is necessary to be far-sighted, especially in the appointment of high-ranking civil servants. In this respect, it is requested and requested that Ziya Pasha is not sent for the time being, and that the result is reported with an order.

Mustafa Kemal Gentlemen, Ali Fuat Pasha, with a code dated 28 October 1919, reported a telegram sent to my name by our organization in Istanbul. The information given in this telegram was important. The well-known event, created by Circassian Bekir, was considered the beginning of the rebellion against the Kuvayÿ Milliye in Adapazarÿ and its environs. A delegation formed by the Sultan, Ferit Pasha, Adil Bey, Sait Molla and Ali Kemal Bey, and some designs were also made on how to benefit from this. In this telegram, information was also given about the above-mentioned Wisdom. This wisdom came to Adapazarÿ from Amasya two months ago. He understood that those who were against him and his family for a long time in that environment joined the national organization. Hikmet Bey wants to attempt to communicate with Sivas, claiming that he came from Amasya, that he knew me and that he alone was authorized to establish the national organization. The other party gets in the way. Hikmet sets up a counter-organisation. Sensing this, Sait Molla finds the solution to obtain Wisdom. He tempts himself for a revolt against the Christians. Gentlemen, I ask that the information concerning Wisdom and the plots of our enemies against Christians should not be considered superfluous, as it will help to easily understand some of the situations that we will touch on later.

Gentlemen, I would like to draw the attention of your supreme assembly to the telegram I wrote to Cemal Pasha on this information: Password Sivas, 31.10.1919

The event that took place in the vicinity of Adapazarÿ, against the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, against the government and the national organization, is known to high-level persons. Although this event was suppressed thanks to the determined attitude of the national unity and the appropriate and definite measures of the Istanbul Government, the seeds of mischief have not been exhausted there yet. There is no doubt that they will be completely crushed and destroyed in the face of the unity of the nation. However, it was understood that Damat Ferit Pasha, former Minister of Internal Affairs Adil, and Ali Kemal Beys and Sait Molla before him were promoters and organizers in these defeatist movements. These individuals, whose names have been announced, have committed another grave and dangerous mistake besides their treason. It is a great disgrace to spread the knowledge of His Holiness the Holy Sultan about his wicked deeds. We sincerely request from the esteemed delegation of the Cabinet; Now, without wasting time, let them present the situation appropriately to His Holiness the Sultan's immaculate presence.

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It is a clear fact that the nation and the organization will certainly not value such fabrications. Alleging that the corrupters want to tarnish the national unity with lies, it is considered vital that no misunderstanding is allowed by the Sultanate Government by officially denying them in the region where the incident took place, and that these harmful individuals are prosecuted by making the necessary investigations, sir. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal

DECISION TO KEEP THE ALI RIZA PASHA CABINET IN POWER

Gentlemen, I have mentioned a little why it is considered necessary to keep the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet in its place and to be supported as much as possible, despite the establishment style known to you.

After returning to Sivas from Amasya, I gave the friends detailed information about the Amasya Interview and other issues at the meeting we held with the Representative Committee and other friends there. At this meeting, we found the following decision, which was recorded exactly on the page of the meeting held on October 29, 1919, in the minutes of the decisions taken by the Representative Committee: Since all of them, especially Grand Vizier Ali Rÿza Pasha, are helpless, who want to hold a position in the eyes of the Sultan, some of them are next to the National Struggle and some of them are against it, however, Zatishahane will want to drop them at the first opportunity and replace them with a delegation that will continue the tyranny. Until the National Assembly was established and started its legislative task, it was accepted that the Representative Committee's support of this cabinet was a good deed for the country and the nation. Indeed, we have implemented this decision. Let me present to your information a situation that confirms this: Our organization in Istanbul sent us some information, which it declared to be based on reliable sources, on 31 October 1919. That information was as follows: Since two days, Kiraz Hamdi Pasha has been going to the Mabeyn, staying in peace (with the Sultan) for two or three hours, and the following decision is taken: A cabinet will be established under the presidency of Marshal Zeki Pasha, Hamdi Pasha War Minister, Prince Sabahattin Bey, Minister of Foreign Affairs. it will be; Tevfik Hamdi Bey, Internal Affairs, Eÿref, Mahir Sait and others will take other supervisions. Among them, Sabahattin and Mahir Sait have not been offered yet. Zatishahane will offer Ali Rÿza Pasha to resign at an appropriate time, perhaps these days. There is a block, a secret society, whose activity has been mentioned before on this subject. Upon this information, it was reported to Cemal Pasha on November 2, 1919 that the Grand Vizier was absolutely needed not to leave his position for any reason or pretext, and that if the resignation took place, the whole country would definitely cut off its relations with Istanbul. All the commanders in Rumelia and Anatolia were informed about this situation and the telegram written to Cemal Pasha. In addition, it was stated that the central committees of the Defense of the Law should be informed of the situation. Gentlemen, upon Salih Pasha's return to Istanbul, a discussion began between us and the government on the point that was stated in the protocol dated October 21st and which I pointed out during my important presentations, namely the place where the Parliament would be held. I believe that what the government wrote through Cemal Pasha and the views we put forward are worth examining once again. Since you can see the original of this communication in the minutes of the first meeting of the Grand National Assembly, I will not mention it again here. However, Sirs, communication and discussions on this issue are not only done with the Istanbul Government and Cemal Pasha. It was necessary to get the opinion of the whole country and especially our organization in Istanbul on this issue. Here I will present some information on these points.

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NOT SET UP IN ISTANBUL UNTIL THE PEACE AGREEMENT AND THE DEPUTY ADVICE NOT TO BE

In their response to our telegram, dated October 20, 1919, which was sent from our Istanbul organization for a statement to be made on October 13, 1919, they only stated that "there is no inconvenience or danger in meeting the deputies in Istanbul, and that any behavior of the Entente Powers would have a bad effect on the world of civilization". "If the legislative power attempts to expand its current authority, it is likely that the Zatishahana will try to close the Assembly and the opponents will become dangerous, and the Entente States will take advantage of this and show the courage to attack high figures like their own states." At the end of this telegram, we were advised not to set foot in Istanbul and not to be a member of parliament until the peace agreement was made.

The views of those in our organization were supported by the opinions of many others in the code dated October 30, 1919, which we received from our organizational center in Istanbul with the secret signature of Kara Vasÿf Bey and the open signature of ÿevket Bey. The first item of this code began as follows: Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha, the Grand Vizier, the Minister of War, the Chief of General Staff, the Minister of Public Works and Esat Pasha, the ophthalmologist who was truly devoted to and served the programs and had a significant force along with his devotion, as well as Rauf Ahmet Bey and others. I talked to individuals both on their own wishes and because of our relationship. Here are the points where all thoughts converge: After that, the points where all thoughts converged were summarized:

1- It is obligatory for the Majlis-i Meb'usan to convene in Istanbul. We should not go to Istanbul alone. The Grand Vizier Pasha promised the foreigners that the assembly would take decisions with a peace of conscience in Istanbul. Since it would not be possible to provide assurance for us alone, it was said, "If they become MPs, it would be appropriate for them to stay on higher ground and as the darling of the nation, either on leave or without a deputy," Fahat said. In paragraph (b) of the first article: 1 In the agreement to be made, the government is obliged to accept proportional representation in terms of the rights of minorities. In that case, it is hoped by some circles that the National Assembly will be dissolved and re-elected so that the minorities can participate in the re-elections," new information was given. In paragraph (c) of the first article, the assurance that "The government actually has good intentions. However, it is in reluctance" was read. In the second article, it was stated: "We were encountering the signs of a complex and complex understanding that we could not understand, such as producing as much socialist as possible, a few clean Hürriyet and Entente, etc. Then :

Article 3: "Not to put the government in difficult situations." And the 4th article: "I want to get those who will harm us by making us believe in every way. Everyone recommends it to me. For example, Refi Cevat included views "like socialists".

On October 1 and 4, 1919, we gave answers to our organization in Istanbul with long thoughts and comments. In these answers, we said in summary: "Assembling of MPs in Istanbul is dangerous and inconvenient in all respects," and we made a statement. We summarized the views we conveyed to the government through Cemal Pasha. We tried to prove that "the danger for us is for all deputies". We wanted it to be reported, "If it is absolutely desirable that we remain as spectators, together with the reasons."

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However, in the telegram sent to Kara Vasÿf Bey: "His Excellency Ahmet ÿzzet Pasha actually thought that the National Struggle would lead to a massacre in Istanbul. It is possible to take his words seriously, first of all, by knowing whether these convictions have changed. As for His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: You do not know that he is also indecisive. Abuk Pasha is also indecisive. He is in the same mentality and mood. I do not have a definite opinion about Esat Pasha, the ophthalmologist. However, some people portray him as extremely narrow-minded, too fond of fame and glory. The advice of public and private individuals who think under the pressure of the enemy is worth examining, and after mentioning the dangers and inconveniences that may come about the meeting place in question, how strange it will be, is that the government, which is powerless to protect us, that is, two or three people whose names are known, should have killed the other deputies. It's a question of how to protect it.

We said, "The view and opinion that is slowly starting to take its place in us is unfortunately not foreigners, but rather the fact that members of the current government and some of the other individuals consider us dangerous, rather than them."

In one of the following paragraphs, we expressed the opinion that "In an environment that is already considering the dissolution of the Assembly in the face of the necessity of accepting proportional representation, the necessity of not convening the Majlis-i Meb'usan should be considered natural." In an anecdote: "Is the purpose of leaving us alone in difficult times, pointing out that we cannot understand anything from the word that the government is not willing?" After the question, in response to one of their thoughts, "It is not helpful to be afraid of the opposition coming to power. Therefore, the policy and attitude cannot be changed," we said. Gentlemen, it was easily understood from these correspondences and the thoughts put forward in these correspondences that the notables of our organization in Istanbul were captive to the views of government officials and other and such, and were no longer serving as their spokespersons.

Here is another cipher telegram, which was written on November 6, 1919, but the view and style of Kara Vasÿf Bey dominated the text of the cipher and it was signed by the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha. In this code, the place of assembly is mentioned again, especially the pressure: "First there are political problems, then there are administrative problems, then there is no possibility of meeting... Necessity must dominate the emotion... Report your appropriate response to the cabinet immediately". The good news was given that I will be with you soon with good news with Mr. With the sentences "It means we have won peace and security. The National Turk is ours too. We are destroying the National Ahrar. The National Congress will be on its way".

I wrote to Kara Vasÿf Bey to come to Sivas immediately on 7 November 1919. Kara Vasÿf Bey summarized his reasoning and logic, based on long reflections in his code dated 19 November 1919, which he sent on the same subject, in the following sentence: "If the Assembly, which is of the same opinion with the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, declares enmity against the Sultan, who will Anatolia follow?!... Is it subject to the Kuva-yÿ Milliye?!... It is a national debt to give up the idea of convening the assembly in Anatolia..."

TAKING THE GUYS OF THE COMMANDERS

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Gentlemen, it would be very dangerous to decide on your own about the place where this very important Assembly will be held, and to have this decision implemented by the nation and the elected deputies. For this reason, I was faced with the necessity of reviewing all personal or general feelings and thoughts with great care and delicacy, and finding a decision that could be implemented by understanding the real trend. As you can see, while I was communicating with the notables of Istanbul, I was also polling public opinion in various ways. It was also very important to get the opinion of the army in order to ensure the implementation of my decision. Therefore, on the 29th of October, I invited the 15th, 20th, I2nd and 3rd Corps Commanders to a meeting in Sivas.

He told the Corps Commander in Diyarbakir, the Corps Commander Cafer Tayyar Bey in Edirne, Yusuf Izet Pasha in Bursa, Kazÿm Pasha in Balikesir, and Bekir Sami Bey in Bursa as "the distance of the road between them." and that I did not invite them due to their special circumstances, I will report the decisions taken".

Sirs, Salahattin Bey, one of the invited commanders, was already in Sivas. Since Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha was from Erzurum, Ali Fuat Pasha was from Ankara, and the Corps Commander in Konya had to personally arrange important matters related to the front, Chief of Staff ÿemsettin Bey came from Konya as his deputy and they gathered in Sivas. We started the negotiations on 16 November 1919 with the participation of persons and commanders who were from the Committee of Representatives or who were not from this delegation but whose attendance was deemed beneficial. Our meeting agenda would consist of the following three points: 1- The meeting place of the Majlis-i Meb'usan, 2 - The form and working method of the Representative Committee and the national organization after the assembly of the Assembly 3 - The way to go if the Paris Peace Conference makes a positive or negative decision for us.

FOUR CONTRACTING OPINIONS AND DECISIONS

Gentlemen, until this date, the answers we received from the central committees of our society were gathered around four views: 1 - According to the first view, it was deemed appropriate for the Majlis-i Meb'usan to convene outside of Istanbul. 2 - According to the second view, which was led by the delegations of Erzurum, Trabzon, Balÿkesir and all Karesi and Saruhan, we know that almost all of the statesmen and notables in Istanbul were of this opinion. This was the request of the Sultan and the insistence of the government. 3 - According to the third opinion from Thrace - Paÿaeli, near Istanbul... 4 - Some central committees, based on Salih Pasha's personal opinion, did not see any harm in convening outside of Istanbul if the government said "it would be". Gentlemen, it is easy to understand from these different views put forward by the nation, how much the Istanbul Government and its accomplices have confused and confused the public opinion. It is no longer difficult to conclude that resisting this will yield bad results. Now, I present to your high information the results and the decisions taken from the discussions and discussions that lasted for days, from November 16, 1919 to November 29, 1919:

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1- Despite the inconveniences and dangers of convening the National Assembly in Istanbul, the necessity of convening the Assembly in Istanbul was accepted, since the Sultanate Government did not accept meeting outside Istanbul and it was avoided to drag the country into a crisis. However, it was also decided that the following measures should be taken:

a) Enlightening all deputies about the situation and taking their opinions one by one, b) Since the National Assembly will convene in Istanbul, before the deputies go to Istanbul, Meeting in parts such as Trabzon, Samsun, ÿnebolu, Eskiÿehir and Edirne, and discussing ways to form a strong group that will defend the principles of our program and the security measures to be taken both in Istanbul and outside of Istanbul,

c) In order to rapidly expand and strengthen the organization of the society, the corps commander, through the regional commanders and the heads of the recruitment organization, provides immediate assistance,

d) Receiving a promise from all civil administration chiefs that they will remain loyal to the national organization, just in case, and requesting them to quickly attempt to establish the organization of the society with their available means,

2 - After the National Assembly convenes in Istanbul, until the day when the deputies announce that they are doing their duty to live in full security and freedom, the Representative Committee will continue its national duty, as it has been until now, by staying outside of Istanbul. However, to be elected from all sanjaks and deputies, two persons from each province and independent sanjak were invited to a meeting near Eskiÿehir as members of the Representative Committee in accordance with the eighth article of the statute, to explain the situation and to decide on the position in the Majlis-i Meb'usan. will be discussed. For this reason, the Representative Committee will also go there. After this meeting, the other deputies will go to Istanbul to the National Assembly, after the Delegation of Tennessee is supported by new members accordingly. As long as the Representative Committee continues to work, the form and working method of the national organization will be as written in the statute.

When the Majlis-i Meb'usan declares that it is in complete security, the Delegation of Representatives, based on its authority in the statute, will call the general congress to a meeting and leave it to the congress's decision to determine the future form of the society in accordance with the eleventh article. Where and how the Congress will convene will be adjusted according to the situation and conditions at that time. During the period between the time the Congress is called to the meeting and its meeting, the Representative Committee does not engage in official relations with the Istanbul Government and the Presidency of the Majlisi Meb'usan unless it is absolutely necessary.

3 - The Paris Peace Conference made a negative decision for us and this decision was made by the government and the National If it is accepted and approved by the Assembly, it will be tried to realize the principles explained in the statute by applying to the national will in the shortest possible way.

Mustafa Kemal Rustem Mazhar Mufit Ali Fuat Hüsrev Hüseyin Rauf Kazÿm Karabekir Hakkÿ Behiç Hüseyin Selâhattin ÿbralÿim Süreyya Bekir Sami Ömer Mümtaz Qualification

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Chief of Staff of the 12th Corps Semsettin

DIRECTIVE GIVEN TO PARLIAMENTARY

Gentlemen, in accordance with these decisions, I will present to your information the information and directives we have given to enlighten the deputies: The information and directives given to the elected deputies are as follows: Article 1- It is known that Istanbul is under the occupation of the Allied Powers and especially the British land forces and besieged by the naval forces, and that the security forces are in the hands of foreigners and in a state of confusion. Moreover, it was understood that the Greeks elected forty people under the name of Istanbul deputies from among themselves and that they would rebel against our state when the time comes, by establishing secret police and revolutionary organizations under the management of Greek leaders and commanders who came from Athens. Unfortunately, the government has to admit that it is not free in Istanbul. For these reasons, the issue of discussing the meeting place of the National Assembly has arisen. If the National Assembly convenes in Istanbul, it is seriously feared that the deputies will be endangered if their patriotic duty is taken into account. Indeed, without the need to wait for a peace agreement by breaking the provisions of the Armistice Agreement, the Allied Powers will criticize and reject the unfair treatment of the Christian minorities by occupying important parts of our country and giving the Christian minorities the opportunity to violate our rights, and will tirelessly demand and defend the immunity of our territorial integrity and independence. Dissolution of Usan and arrest or exile of its members is not a remote possibility. Just like the British did to the National Islamic Council convened in Kars. It may also come to mind that the Christian minorities who did not participate in the elections, and the British Rebels and Nigehban Societies that followed them, could do all kinds of evil by serving the aims of the enemies in this regard. In this regard, National

Since the assembly of the Assembly in Istanbul will make it impossible to fulfill the serious and historical task expected from the Assembly, and since the National Assembly is the representative of the independence of the state and the nation, it goes without saying that our independence will be damaged by a blow to it. Even the Minister of the Navy, Salih Pasha, who held meetings with the Representative Committee in Amasya on behalf of the Cabinet, took these facts into consideration and was convinced with his conscience and thought that the National Assembly should convene in a safe place outside of Istanbul, and he found this matter appropriate. confirmed by his signature. In the event that the National Assembly convenes in a place far from enemy pressure and in complete security, if it convenes in Istanbul, all imaginable problems will be eliminated, and it will de facto announce to the world public opinion and especially the Islamic world that the caliphate and sultanate are in danger. In the face of a possible decision to be taken against our independence, it will be able to fulfill its duties towards the homeland and the nation, and it will be more clearly demonstrated that the Assembly has complete control over the destiny of the nation before the Entente Powers. If the Assembly convenes outside of Istanbul, the possible drawbacks are as follows:

Enemies of the nation will find the opportunity for harmful propaganda that Istanbul is being sacrificed. The government will not be able to easily establish contact and connection with the Assembly, as in Istanbul. The opening ceremony of the Assembly can be held by a person whom they will appoint as a proxy, in order not to expose Zatishahane to the burden of traveling. Because of these inconveniences, the current government did not accept the opening of the National Assembly outside of Istanbul. Due to this negative decision of the government, the following drawbacks are added to the said drawbacks:

Since the convening of the National Assembly in accordance with the law depends on the presence of the Majlis-i Meb'usan and the Ayan Assembly at the same place and at the same time, a meeting that the government deems appropriate outside of Istanbul.

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The Assembly of Ayan and the Government will not attend the meeting outside of Istanbul and will not have the Zâtiÿahane open the Assembly in accordance with the procedure due to its willingness to convene in the same place.

In the face of this situation, as there is no legal possibility for the National Assembly to convene outside of Istanbul, it has become a necessity to convene in Istanbul, despite the above-mentioned difficulties. If the honorable deputies do not hesitate to go to Istanbul and convene on their own outside of Istanbul, such a gathering cannot, of course, represent the well-known legislative power of the National Assembly. Maybe it can be in the form of a national congress that will represent the existence, aims and independence of the nation, criticize the provisions to be made about it and reject it on the basis of the nation. In this case, the National Assembly will of course be condemned not to convene in Istanbul. It can also be thought that such a behavior will cause the government to oppose, to take coercive measures, and eventually to break all relations between the nation and the Istanbul Government. After reviewing and discussing all the above-mentioned issues, Anadolu and Rumelia Defense Association considered it its duty to inform all deputies of the situation and to take the thoughts and opinions of each of them, against the necessity of convening the National Assembly in Istanbul. Furthermore, it was deemed necessary for the esteemed deputies to gather in some places where they could easily come together and discuss the following issues before entering the Milli Majlis in Istanbul and to report them to the Representative Committee so that the results of the meeting could be combined. Matters to be discussed are:

a) Necessary measures to be taken and preparations to be made in all the country, including Istanbul and outside Istanbul, against the necessity of convening the Assembly in Istanbul;

b) Considering the means of forming a united and determined cadre in the Parliament to protect and defend the integrity of the homeland, the independence of the state and the nation; The appropriate places for the deputies to meet to discuss the above issues are as follows: Trabzon, Samsun, ÿnebolu, Eskiÿehir, Bursa, Bandÿrma, Edirne Article 2 - By notifying the first article to the deputies in your regions as it is, to get their personal opinions as soon as possible, to inform the Committee of Representatives without wasting time, and to carry out activities on this subject by delivering them to the central delegations in your regions. to show them.

Secondly, it is requested that necessary measures be taken to ensure that the deputies in your regions gather in peace and security at the places indicated in the first article, and to report the results of the meeting to the Representative Committee. Those of you who are deputies from constituencies and are now in Istanbul should be invited to one of the meeting places close to Istanbul by the organization in their constituencies.

IMPORTANT INTERNAL EVENTS IN OCTOBER 1919

Gentlemen, please allow me to summarize in a few words some of the events of October 1919 that I would like to touch on. The Muslim people in the occupied Izmir province were persecuted and killed. For this, we asked the government to make impressive attempts on the part of the representatives of the Entente Powers. If the persecution and tyranny of the Greeks continues, they will have to resist in the same way.

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We also stated that we will stay. Upon the disastrous events in Izmir, a demonstration meeting was wanted to be held in Istanbul. When we got the news that this was blocked, we caught the attention of Cemal Pasha. Anzavur started treacherous and monstrous acts around Bandÿrma. We wrote to Kazÿm Pasha and other interested parties in Balÿkesir about the officers affiliated with the Nigehban Society who went to Karabiga and Bandÿrma to prevent the damage he caused. We heard that about thirty Nigehbanci officers were going to Trabzon and Samsun to act against the Christians in order to prepare the ground for a foreign invasion. We immediately drew the attention of the 15th Corps and the Canik Governor.

It is known by your high committee that initially there were British troops in Maraÿ, Urfa and Ayÿntap. These units were replaced by French soldiers. That's why we tried to prevent the invasion again. After the occupation, we moved on to political and then de facto initiatives. In Bozkÿr, there was an uprising that could be considered important again. We have resorted to various measures to suppress it. By sending Kÿlÿç Ali Bey to Maraÿ and Antep, and Artillery Major Kemal and Captain Osman Tufan Bey to Çukurova region, we started serious organization and initiatives. Gentlemen, by the way, let me present a point that came to my mind: After the Sivas Congress, the Committee of Representatives took the responsibility on itself, except for the bylaws and declarations of the congresses and in addition to the Sivas Congress Statutes, "Defense of Law Society Establishment. A secret directive was issued for the armed national organizations, titled "Addition to the Statutes" and registered as "only for their members and confidential". According to this directive, armed detachments and units were formed in places where there was conflict with the enemy.

ALI RIZA PASHA IS RESISTING AT THE OPINION OF THE CABIN

Gentlemen, in a coded telegram I received from the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, on November 2, it was stated: "Another gossip has already been added. Ziya Pasha's failure to go as far as Ankara cannot mean anything other than breaking the authority of the government, which was favored. The government, in its opinion, insistent" and it was reported that the answer to this was awaited urgently. The government did not compliment our request regarding not sending Ziya Pasha. He commissioned and sent Ziya Pasha. Ziya Pasha had come all the way to Eskiÿehir and returned after taking permission from there. In the same telegram, Cemal Pasha was saying, "The government considers the style of the statement given to the press due to the Bozkÿr incident contrary to the reconciliation between us." However, we did not have such a notification. We replied to this telegram of Cemal Pasha as follows:

Sivas, 3.11.1919 ÿvedi

Attention to His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: Code no: 501 dated 2.11.1919: 1We have reached a sincere agreement and a real consensus between the government and the national organization. We had a very important request through their self-government. That is, in order not to harm the national organization, which pursues a legitimate aim, all high-ranking officials were selected according to this view, and those who opposed it were changed. We did not receive a response to the requests we made one after the other regarding these. We do not yet know what has been done about the governors of Trabzon and Diyarbakir and the governor of Antalya. However, without examining the situation on the spot, the Ministry of Internal Affairs sent Suphi Bey, one of the members of the Society of Enthusiasts, who was very inadequate and weak, to Konya as governor. This is the Minister of Internal Affairs.

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does not accept any contact or relationship with us on matters such as; It is believed that he is behaving as if he is against the national organization. I submitted that the Governor of Ankara, Ziya Pasha, had obtained permission voluntarily. Of course, he himself is officially counted as the Governor of Ankara. However, it should be considered as the best way for the said governor to continue to take advantage of his leave until the doubt and suspicion on the point I have presented is eliminated. The fact that the Police Department is still in the hands of a person like Nurettin Bey gives the opinion that your own state is also indifferent to this very important point. However, the result of this tolerance will be harmful to both the government and the national organization. Of course, you will tolerate that the Committee of Representatives cannot ignore the slightest situation that will disrupt the national organization and national unity. 2 - No notification was given to the press by the Representative Committee about the Bozkÿr incident. There will be a mistake in this. Perhaps, these reports are based on the information received by the ÿrade-i Milliye newspaper. It is well known that the Hey'et-i Temsiliye does not have the authority to censor a newspaper. However, to draw the attention of the newspaper, we would like to request the disclosure of the points in this news that are deemed contrary to the agreement between us and the government.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal The reply of Cemal Pasha, who is the representative of the Representative Committee and claims to be on the side of the National Struggle, to our telegram is as follows:

Harbiye, 4/5.ll.1919 to the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: As it is written in the official statement, today's government has taken on a great responsibility for the sole purpose of serving the homeland and country at such a time, and has acted with complete impartiality and sincerity to fulfill this duty, so the following points should be hastily made. needed to be explained: First; As minorities do not participate in the parliamentary elections, various parties are also shy today. Various parties point out that there are two governments in the country and that the elections were not held impartially, and it is highly probable that the minorities would later claim that they did not participate in the elections based on this reason. stretched out. If the Parliament does not represent all the elements of the nation and especially if it is established with the effects of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, it does not need to be explained how this will be met by the world public opinion. In this respect, it is imperative that pressure not be allowed in the parliamentary elections.

latter; It is a necessity of the vital interests of the country to convene the Assembly in Istanbul, since the gathering of the Majlis-i Meb'usan in a place other than the government center will cause various internal and external inconveniences and damages due to unnecessary reasons. Third; Since it is understood from the following information and news that some people in the provinces are interfering with the government affairs on behalf of the national organization, it is imperative that these interferences be prevented as soon as possible. The present government insists on these three demands. Apart from this, there is no possibility of conducting government affairs with a formula. Minister of War Jamal

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I would like to present to your information the response we gave to this telegram of Cemal Pasha - on the condition that it will be opened by Chief Aide Salih Bey:

Sivas, 5.11.1919 Attention to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: 4/5.11.1919 1- Of course, it would not be correct to base the non-participation of minorities and some political parties, which are more harmful for this country and this nation than minorities, on the reasons they deliberately put forward. Is it not known that the Christian minorities declared that they would not participate in the elections even before the national organization was named? As for the clamorous political parties, they are lying. Because they participated in the elections everywhere. However, since these parties, which consist of five or ten people, have no value in the eyes of the nation, and the nation chooses its representatives from among its own citizens, not politicians in Istanbul this time, they are alarmed, realizing that they will not be able to achieve success. What can we do against it? In the face of the truth at this point, the hesitation of the cabinet is astonishing. Where, by whom and how was the said edition made? Please explain so that the Representative Committee can fulfill its duty. It is not right to be in a hurry by giving importance to the real claims. 2 - Time and events will prove whether the government's resistance is appropriate in the opinion on where the Assembly will convene. We have stated that my final thoughts on this subject will be presented upon the answers to be received from the centres. 3 - Where and by whomever interfered in the affairs of the government on behalf of the national organization should be reported immediately so that necessary actions can be taken. However, we consider it necessary to draw your attention to the suspicious behavior of His Holiness Minister of Internal Affairs, Sir.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal

MINISTERS OF INTERNATIONAL SENT TO THE COUNTRY

The Minister of Internal Affairs attempted to send some delegations to the country. One of them was founded by ÿlhami and Fetva Emini Hasan Efendi, who were members of the Court of Appeal, under the chairmanship of a person named Ahmet Fevzi Pasha, Former Undersecretary of the Ministry of War. Cemal Pasha, the representative of our Representative Committee, did not inform us of this. With a code dated November 5, 1919, we asked him why this delegation was sent, and we stated that it was not clear why especially the Fetva Emini and the people who were the chief of police at the time of the Kamil Pasha Cabinet were in such a delegation. Sirs, reasons for Fuat Pasha to be at the head of his corps in Ankara began to emerge. The most important of these reasons was the poisoning of the people in the country. Those who cooperated with internal and external enemies began to be much more successful in the time of Ali Rÿza Pasha's Cabinet than in the time of Ferit Pasha.

REFET PASHA IS SENT TO THE SALÿHLÿ AND AYDIN FRONTS AS A COMMANDER

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Râzÿm Pasha was trying to establish a front in the Balÿkesir region and to dominate the situation. The administration and administration in the Salihli and Aydÿn Fronts had to be put in a military order. A more or less well-known soldier had to go here. We had Refet Pasha, who was in Konya, as the commander we could use. Fahrettin Bey (His Excellency Inspector Fahrettin Pasha) was the head of the corps in Konya. Therefore, we wrote to Refet Pasha to move to the front in order to carry out the Aydÿn Kuva-yÿ Milliye Command, and to Ali Fuat Pasha himself to return to Ankara.

After it was understood that Refet Pasha had arrived in Nazilli, I asked Cevat Pasha, who had come to the Chief of General Staff, to send four or five officers to Nazilli to Refet Pasha, to be selected from the young staff members who had experienced the last war. I reported this situation to Refet Pasha.

REFET PASHA DEMIRCI IS COMMITTED TO EFE

Gentlemen, Refet Pasha, who went to Nazilli, needed to take command from Demirci Mehmet Efe and did not see any benefit in this; who knows, and perhaps the command was not handed over to him. He found it more useful and appropriate to perform tasks such as setting up under Demirci Efe... Refet Pasha informed us of this. It is often difficult to change the decision of a person who has seen the conditions of the region closely. Because, as Refet Pasha saw and preferred, it was useful to continue Efe's command and assist him, or Refet Pasha could not take the command of that front for any reason. Either way, it would be pointless to order that you must take command. The real strangeness was seen after that. After a while, Refet Pasha disappeared in Nazilli. A few days later, we found out that he was in Balikesir because he asked us if he should have intercourse with some foreign officers. In our reply on December 22, 1919: "We stated that we do not want him to have any relations with foreigners, especially since those affiliated with the National Organization are known as members of the Representative Committee." Refet Pasha disappeared again. Finally one day we received a short telegram signed by Refet from Bursa: "I came to Bursa via Istanbul." I never understood what this telegram meant. What relationship did Refet Pasha have with Istanbul? Also, does the Nazilli - Balÿkesir - Bursa road pass through Istanbul? I could never solve this riddle. Finally, the matter was settled. Refet Pasha, after leaving Nazilli and stopping by Kazÿm Pasha in Balikesir, landed in Bandÿrma; from there he went to Istanbul with a French torpedo; he met some of his friends there; Then he returned to Bursa...

Gentlemen, I still cannot solve this riddle. I hope you will excuse me for this. Salâhattin Bey, who came to Samsun with an English ship, was sent instead of Refet Bey, that Refet Bey was asked to return to Istanbul with the same ship, and that he did not go after this and resigned. You know you've given orders to all sides for us to be dispatched. Although those who know algebra are not forgiven for not being able to solve so many unknowns, I admit that I am helpless at this point. Though; The Cabinet of Ferit Pasha was replaced by the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha. But we do know that the new cabinet's means of information and execution are the same as the previous one.

Gentlemen, this light move of Refet Pasha caused a serious administration and administration not to be established in the Aydÿn and Salihli Fronts until the formation of a regular army.

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SUSPICIOUS BEHAVIORS OF THE INTERNAL MINISTER

Gentlemen, after this strange story, let's start watching the events from the point where we left off: Cemal Pasha could not understand one point of our password dated November 5, 1919. With a short cipher he had drawn from the Sublime Porte, he asked for an explanation as follows: "We find it necessary to draw your attention to the actions of the Minister of Internal Affairs, which may attract suspicion," could not be understood what the purpose was. This point should be made hastily and with explanation.

Our answer to this short code is a bit long. If you don't get bored, let me present it to your information as it is: Password Sivas, 12.11.1919

Attention to His Excellency, the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha: dated 8.111.1919 and numbered 8084: For your information, the things that come to mind from the suspicious deeds and behaviors of His Holiness the Internal Affairs Minister Pasha are presented below: 1 - In some provinces such as Ankara, during the National Struggle, by calling the chiefs of the civil administration to the head of the telegraph.

Investigation as if threatening the situation of those who started activities against the Ferit Pasha Cabinet, why they blamed the government, and to what extent all these were in compliance with the law; 2 - The reason for the death of the Governor of Tokat, who died of typhoid fever while he was ill for a long time, was considered a mysterious case and asked from Sivas province with a password... 3 - During the secret meeting with the Minister of Justice and the national delegation from the Balÿkesir front, the Minister of Justice was able to talk about whether or not to take action against the leaders of the National Struggle;

4 - When he was transferred to the Ministry, the Undersecretary of Internal Affairs, Keÿfi Bey, who was a secret partner in the thoughts and actions of the former Minister of Internal Affairs Adil Bey, whose treason was revealed with material evidences, the first patriotic act, should have been dismissed, but was still left in his place and his through exchanges between civil servants. Of course, the officials he will appoint cannot rightfully gain the trust of the nation. For example, the former Governor of Kayseri, Ali Ulvi Bey, who had an oppositional attitude from the beginning to the end of the National Struggle and was eventually dismissed by the people and was not arrested and dismissed due to his illness at that time, although he was completely devoid of managerial qualifications and was a weak member of the Burdur team. He was appointed to. Ethem Bey, who was sent to Istanbul voluntarily, was also appointed to Menteÿe due to his inadequacy and not being considered suitable for the Canik sanjak. Cavit Bey, who was brought to Sivas when he was the Niÿde Governor, was appointed as the Governor of Aydin. Despite all this, the governor of Antalya, the man of the former Konya Governor, traitor Cemal Bey, still sits in his place despite our successive applications and the people's cries.

5 - The most important task, such as the Directorate of Personnel Affairs, is held by an Armenian. 6 - There is no change in the situation of the Press and Broadcasting Directorate and the Agency. 7 - It is known that the only force that will ensure the future of the country is national unity and that only the national organization can maintain it. Those who try to destroy the sacred purpose of this unity and organization, which consists of saving the homeland from disintegration and protecting the independence of the state and the nation, are the corrupters in Istanbul. Preventing their damage can only be done with strong and

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It depends on a serious discipline. The main remedy for this is to select and appoint the chief of the police from among the honest, nationalist, talented and entrepreneurial people. However, it is also known by his people that today's Director General of Security is the only protector of the overthrown traitor old cabinet and its followers. As understood from the letters written by Sait Molla to Mister Frew, this person embraces and shelters the dissidents, that is, the enemies of the nation. Salih Pasha in Amasya also confirmed this. However, the Minister of Internal Affairs does not calmly envision leaving the destiny of the country and nation in the hands of such a person, perhaps it means that he sees benefit. While it is a fact that Gendarmerie Commander Kemal Pasha is a harmful person both for the national cause and for you, should it be given the goodwill of the Ministry of Internal Affairs that he still remains in his office?

On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal

ALI RIZA PASHA CABINET NATIONAL ORGANIZATION WITH THE ENEMY ORGANIZATION, US ALSO ALI KEMAL AND HOLDS ONE WITH SAÿT MOLLA

Gentlemen, the Minister of War had a telegram dated 9 November 1919. The contents of that telegram are also interesting. In this telegram, Cemal Pasha concentrated the thoughts of the cabinet on the following points:

1- Elections can be done safely, 2 - Gathering of the Majlis-i Meb'usan in Istanbul 3 - In order not to interfere in government affairs on behalf of the National Organization, the government's notifications to you from the very beginning are final. 4 - It is obvious that the demands put forward in many of your telegrams are of the same nature – that is, in the nature of intervention. 5 - The government will not deviate from the impartiality that it has determined and declared in its own declaration. In this respect, the national organization cannot pressure and punish those who are against it. At the end of the telegram, there was the following threat: "If the current situation continues for a while, the cabinet will definitely be withdrawn.

Honorable Gentlemen, the meanings of these articles had in fact revealed all the facts. The cabinet did not accept that those who were against the national organization were enemies of the country and nation. The national organization and the treason organization of the enemy; He equated us with Ali Kemal and Sait Molla. Adapazarÿ, Karacabey, Bozkÿr, Anzavur did not consider the events as crimes. In our response to Cemal Pasha, after explaining these points, we added the following sentence in order to make the government's feelings and inclinations to be expressed clearly: As we understand from what you have reported, the Istanbul Government perhaps considers the existence of a national organization unnecessary. In fact, if the situation is in this center and there is a power to save the country without the need for a national organization, we request and beg you to clearly state what is necessary to be done, and to clear up any misunderstanding.

INTERNATIONAL MINISTER DAMAT FERIT PASHA CONTINUOUSLY DISTURBING THE NATIONAL UNION, OUR REPRESENTATIVE, CEMAL PASHA, THE MINISTER OF THE WAR BUSY ON DEFENDING

Gentlemen, I received a handwritten letter from Cemal Pasha, dated 10 November 1919, which was specially sent to Sivas, 18 days later -- that is, on 28 November 1919. Jamal

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In this letter, the Pasha summarized the problems in question in the correspondences, and made explanations about each of them. Especially when he was talking about the assembly of the Parliament in a place other than Istanbul, "it is well understood that the Sultan will not give consent on this issue. The Americans made them feel and even openly stated that the invasion forces' attack on the Majlis-i Meb'usan might yield good results for the Ottoman Empire." After Cemal Pasha gave an unknown information as if "the magnates of civil servants who do not have the spirit of the National Forces had their backs on the occupying armies" and completed this information with the information that "most of the former cabinet members could not stand on their backs", for example, the Chief of Police said: This situation emerged with all its clarity in the change of the . After Cemal Pasha accused us with the sentence that although the cabinet thought of doing many things, he still could not believe the seriousness of the force he relied on for a deep-rooted enterprise, he expressed his opinion as follows: it is not possible.

In a summary that Cemal Pasha added with his own signature after signing his letter, there was the following sentence: "The opposition and foreigners have decided to prevent the opening of the Assembly. It's up to God".

Gentlemen, I will not say anything about the logic, interpretation and soundness of view that prevail in what is written in this letter, and in the writings that precede it and in the thoughts that will follow. I will only suffice to quote a single sentence of the comprehensive reply we gave to this letter on November 28, 1919. That sentence is as follows: "We do not find the articles that show that the Sultanate Government cannot rely on the seriousness of the force they rely on for a deep-rooted enterprise, unrealistic." Gentlemen, Minister of Internal Affairs Damat Ferit Pasha did not hesitate to take measures that would disrupt the national unity and keep the nation silent and inactive in the face of the attacks that were spreading one after the other every day. He seemed to encourage other Ministries to act on the same principle. For example, there was a kadi named Hamdi Efendi in Eskiÿehir. He could not stay there because he was against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, went to Istanbul never to return, and this Kadÿ Efendi was sent back to Eskiÿehir by the new cabinet. The situation was explained and the necessity of replacing the named woman was written by the Governor to the Ministry of Justice, and no response was given. While the Mutasarrÿf and the Eskiÿehir Regional Commander informed the Committee of Representatives of this situation, "If the Ministry does not take this letter into consideration, it is imperative that this Kadÿ be fired.

The views and orders of their own states are sought." it is obvious that his expulsion will eventually become a necessity. Undoubtedly, Istanbul officials who were in this situation were not few.

The first sentence of a cipher of the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, dated 24 November 1919, which talked about some similar works and gave the opinion of the cabinet, was as follows:

"The internal affairs and political policy of the state certainly do not accept partnership." It is also very legitimate and natural that the nation will not consent to any action that will knowingly or unknowingly weaken the national organization that will secure the future of the nation, homeland and nation, and disrupt the national unity." The last sentence of this telegram was as follows: "Our delegation is fully committed to the commitments that bear its signature... To the extent that the commitments must be mutual. However, the government has not fulfilled any of theand commitments notes bearing Salih Pasha's signature and, if any, obstructive The reasons were not even stated.

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Gentlemen, the brief information I will give now and the documents I will show to confirm this information will reveal to your high committee how unfair the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet is to accuse us and how indifferent to government affairs, to say the least. Gentlemen, thanks to the secret societies in Istanbul and the individuals who pioneered these associations and who, as confessed in the letter of the Minister of War Cemal Pasha, had their backs to foreigners, plenty of money and the total tolerance and lethargy displayed by the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet, the country was rebuilt from the beginning. they were working with all their strength and effort to set fire to the head. The information on this subject and the documents obtained were not excluded from the knowledge and knowledge of the government. Some documents obtained thanks to our organization in Istanbul and the measures we took were handed over to Cemal Pasha and Grand Vizier Pasha. Since these documents were also given to foreign representatives at that time and were learned by most of the Entente governments in this way, and their summaries were announced to all commanders and other relevant persons at that time, I do not see any harm in letting your supreme committee and the nation know, now that the event has become history.

HOW DID SAIT MOLLA WORK?

I find it appropriate to present these documents, as they are, that can give a radical idea about the open and hidden difficulties we faced during the National Struggle and will be a lesson and lesson for future generations. These documents are copies of letters sent by Sait Molla, who is known as the so-called president of the British Society of Advocates, to a priest named Mister Frew. Gentlemen, although Sait Molla, who felt that copies of these letters had been taken, published a long and harshly written disclaimer by mentioning these letters in the Turkish Istanbul newspaper dated 8 November 1919, the facts cannot be denied. Copies of these letters were taken from Sait Molla's house and from a notebook where the drafts of the letters were written. This aside, the contents of the letters are in full agreement with the situations and events in the country, as well as with some of the persons who have become what they are. Now, if you'll excuse me, let me present these letters in chronological order:

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First Letter My dear friend, I sent the given two thousand liras to Hikmet Bey in Adapazarÿ. Our business there is going very well. After a few days, we will get the fruitful results. I wanted to give you the good news of this information that I have now received, with my compass. I'll come by myself tomorrow morning and provide detailed information. Our "NBD 285/3" man in Ankara told us that the supporters of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye showed a great inclination towards France and that the officers General Franchet d'Esperey sent to Sivas met with Mustafa Kemal Pasha and made some decisions against the British Government. states in a letter sent by a courier. Although "DBK 91/3" is a member of our association, I am of the opinion that this person is spying on the French and has spread that you are the head of this organization. With what I will say on this subject, contrary to the views and high trust of his personalities, I will have revealed the mistake you have made in trusting that person until now. Yesterday morning, I visited His Holiness Damat Ferit Pasha with Adil Bey. I informed them from your side that they should be patient and wait a little longer. His Highness the Pasha, although thanking you for the answer, states that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye is completely rooted in Anatolia, and that they will not be able to take over the power unless the accursed ones are overthrown by a move against it.

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It was stated that the provisions of the agreement submitted to the Zâtiÿâhâne's approval were not possible to be defended at the conference, that the British Government immediately took an initiative to dissolve the National Forces, and that a joint note was given to the Sublime Porte before the parliamentary election, Adapazarÿ, Karacabey and ÿile. We talked yesterday by radio telegram to "EBK 19/2", which was sent privately by torpedo, that we should try to speed up the work and ensure that the British press broadcasts against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, based on the attacks they will undertake against the Greeks in Turkey and claiming that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye has disrupted the security. He asks for instructions on matters. Tonight at 23.00, Adil Bey will see you (K) and will inform you of Ferit Pasha's special requests. After that, Mister "TR" will be able to meet with Zatishahane, don't trust Refik Bey anymore. Sadÿk Bey will also be able to work with us. My best regards. 11.10.1919 Sait Note: We have not received any news from Karacabey and Bozkÿr yet.

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In the letter sent by "NBD 285/3" in Ankara with the date of Second Letter 12, it is stated that in Sivas Hey'et-i Temsiliyesi and Em. Exchange rate. alb. It is reported that Vasÿf Bey will be sent to contact d'Esperey and will be on his way in a few days. Hikmet Bey took the money. He wants some more money. When I came to visit you the other day, I didn't tell you that I was being followed. On my return, I saw two people, one with a yellow mustache, the other with brown hair and brown hair, waiting for me on the street. I was pretty scared because it was night. I only heard them say to each other slowly that it was Abu Said Molla, let's go now. This extra contact will not be good for me. If you can hold the house we met near Fuat Pasha Tomb, we can meet. Nâzÿm Pasha was aware of our society. It was very offensive to me. With your permission, I have added themselves to the "NBS 495/1" order. This person will make the contact until the housework is settled. One thousand two hundred liras were received, which were sent to "NBD 289/3" in Karacabey. They will be on their way. Ferit Pasha is waiting every minute for the note to be given to the Sublime Porte. Zatishahana is very sad about this situation. It is in our interests that you comfort him and always make him give hopeful speeches. Do not forget that our sultans are weak against everything. Seyit Abdulkadir Efendi said very strange words on that subject. His so-called friends were saying "it doesn't fit in patriotism". Now you do what is necessary, it is said that the Chief of Police Nurettin Bey will be replaced. Please draw the attention of those who are needed about this person who is the protector of all of us. I present my respects.

Note: Ali Kemal Bey met with that person. Since he could not handle the conversation, he understood his purpose and even said to himself, "We understood that you were working for the British," with a fundamental insult.

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Third Letter The ophthalmologist Esat Pasha branch, and especially Çürüksulu Mahmut Pasha, are constantly refuting the propaganda based on official information and trying to calm the excitement of the people. I would like to ask you not to give any answer when applying to these men, and to give orders to the person decided yesterday, through the zatishahane, and present my respects. 19.10.1919 at

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Fourth Letter, Aziz Ustad. The Franmason organization among the dissidents (members of the British Society of Defendants) is causing objections, and they are afraid to follow the path taken by the Unionists. We will be able to implement this program by recruiting young people who have been brought up with full faith in the administration of the organization. Because of my outfit getting in the way, your old friend "KBV4/35" will start work within the agreed area guidelines. Again, no news from Ankara and Kayseri. My best regards, my master. l9.10.l919 p.

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Fifth Letter Master,

Kasideci-zâde Ziya Molla sent a message to Adam Block yesterday, trusting that he is his old friend, he indirectly informed that the patronage of the Society of Muhipler, of which I was the head, could not be reconciled with the character structure of the British, and that this had bad effects on the public, and in this respect, honest people would have to represent the society. and he added some very ugly things against me. I would like to remind you that this person has personal enmity towards me. Liya Molla's son-in-law's brother used to be my wife. Such hostility was directed at me for divorcing myself. I would like to present the situation to His Excellency Adam Block and bring to your attention that Ziya Molla is now not proBritish, but a propaganda tool of those who support the National Struggle, and that he has a relationship with Mustafa Kemal Pasha, and that he is showing his insides by accusing me.

21.10.1919 Note: If you don't mind, report my service to His Holiness Adam Block.

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Sixth Letter Dear master, In the letter dated 20 October 1919, which came from Ankara by courier from "NBD 295/3", "KDS 93/1" was left there as per our instructions and moved to Kayseri itself. He states that he sent a certified copy of the instruction to Mr. Galip. It is asking for a new allowance because the previous allowance has been spent. He gives the good news that the secret organization has spread, that our Muhibs, who have escaped from the mischief-makers at their head, have started to work secretly on the condition that they stay in the villages for the time being, and that the latest plans of their people will yield good results. "MKB" translated important roles thanks to its proper Turkish. He says he has nothing to say about his teacher. Your instruction "XVV." The plan is fully prepared. If no new foreigners have come among us, the purpose will have been actually achieved without the situation being perceived. The courier "4R" is detained here awaiting the dispatch of the new allowance.

23/24.10.1919 s.

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Note: I added Ahmet Rÿza Bey's statement about the Italian mandate at the end of the letter. We think it would be dangerous for him to cross into France. Prevent this.

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Seventh Letter Master, Ali Kemal Bey met with that person yesterday. He said that it is necessary to be a little heavy on the press. It is not easily possible for us to direct the connoisseurs of thought and pen, who were once convinced of an opinion, to a goal contrary to that view. All official officials said that they see the National Struggle well for now. Mr. Ali Kemal will follow your instructions to the letter. He is also trying to cooperate with the Zeynel Abidin Party.

In short, things will get muddy. My name is mentioned a lot in French and American circles these days. I still don't understand the reason for this. As a result of the influence of the supporters of the National Struggle on the political officers of this government, the protection of my life has been entrusted to you. I give myself courage with this hope. I met with Hikmet in person. This time I saw him slippery. However, he firmly promised. "I'm a merdi. I won't go back on my word," he said. How did you find the Sivas case? It's a little erratic but will gradually improve. Kadÿköylü is also taking over the job. But the Unionist press, which has fallen into that place, sometimes interferes with our work.

It is necessary to pay attention to their writings. Our Pasha is still angry. "When will it be?" says. The fact that the home problem is still unresolved complicates our contacts and relationships. "NBS 495/1" He recommends giving importance to Konya. He asks me to draw his attention to what he told you orally. I told him that you expressed your regrets on Ali Kemal Bey's recent disaster. It is necessary to have this substance. Let's not miss this opportunity. This is the best time to present a gift. I am sorry that you did not receive my letter of October 19th. Squeeze the person who is the intermediary a little. Avoidance of danger is very important to me. Submit a new password. I will give Hikmet and Kadÿköylü their numbers. My best regards, my master.

24.10.1919 s. Note : Although I wanted to say it a few times, I forget. Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his supporters should seem a little available so that he can come here with complete confidence. Give great importance to this work. We cannot support our own newspapers.

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Eighth Letter Dear master, I talked at length with both Mustafa Sabri and Hamdi and Vasfi Efendi, within the framework of our instructions, in order to delay and postpone the elections. I got their consent. Propaganda began in the constituencies. They will get the people they need. By distributing plenty of money, they will disperse the votes. It is very necessary to enlighten the Zatishahÿna on this issue. I assure you that we will reach the goal with your high opinion and measures, master.

26.l0.l919

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Ninth Letter "9.R" courier arrived. The organization in Keskin is finished. I instructed my friends for propaganda. I am sure that we will soon reap the first fruits of our success, my master. 27/28.10.19l9 ---------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------

Tenth Letter dear master, The news of the preparations and plans for the establishment of a new cabinet in the palace spread around. It is inevitable that this work will be accelerated. Some of the plans of our organization in Anatolia were understood by the Kuva-ÿ Milliye. Especially in Ankara and Kayseri, studies have started against us. Although the Kurdish Association promised, it could not make a presence. Some of our gangs are being exterminated. Regardless, the designed cabinet must be brought to power. I guess that Ali Rÿza Pasha will take measures to prevent our plans. Our men who will go to Bozkÿr are very afraid because they are well-known people. In Konya, "KB81/l" should be notified, through you, that the propaganda committees should be invited to take action on this issue, and I present my respects.

29/30.10.1919 Note: Hikmet was mentioned in a letter of mine. Where did they learn what is written in this letter? I talked to Hikmet myself. I heard from Hikmet in astonishment that this was true. Is the spy around me; Or is it around you?

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Eleventh Letter My dear master, I met with our close friends at the Kurdish Teali Society. They said that since they had just arrived, they would make preparations within the framework of the instructions given a few days later, and that a large allowance was needed for the friends to be sent to the Eastern provinces where only Kurdish tribes reside. They showed in the letter from "DBR 3/141". It is written that they made excessive provocations against the French in Urfa, Antep and Maraÿ and deceived the people despite the soft policy followed by the corps commander. The opinion about not bringing Zeki Pasha as the chairman of the cabinet is not correct. This person is dominant over the Kurds. The old Armenian issue has been forgotten. The view you put forward is probably out of season for today. It is possible to show this in a different way if necessary. We are waiting for your master's help every minute. We are trying to spread the opposite event to others, I am yours, I pay my respects.

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Twelfth Letter My dear master,

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In any case, Ahmet Rÿza's statement to the Tan (Le Temps) correspondent caught your attention. The political subtlety of his advice to Emir Faisal to sign a treaty with the French should not go unnoticed by our master. The leaders of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye not only tended to approach France in a remarkable way afterwards, but also want to strike a blow to your dominance in Syria, let alone the mess they caused in Iraq. The indifference and fault to be shown in the continuation of this force will lead to the extraordinary anger of the Islamic world against England. It is essential to see this point, which has been carefully emphasized, with great value and to show it to your high-level political figures. With this view I put forward, do not judge that I am disrespecting your scientific value. Because it is against our political aim for a force other than yours to maintain its influence and dominance over Turkey. The various tendencies of France, Italy, and especially the United States, with their statesmen and press, are clear evidence of a rivalry with your political and military superiority. Make sure that personalities like Ahmet Rÿza, who have gained longstanding close friendships with Clemenceau (Klemauso), Pichon (Piÿon) and various politicians, will play an important role in France and will be able to direct the public exactly in the direction they want.

Since information has been received that this person is going to go to Switzerland, you can believe that he has an opportunity to go to France by finding an opportunity from there. Our forces near Balikesir broke down and fled and hid in the "AR". New forces are being prepared. He wants an allowance of not less than five thousand liras. In the letter from "DBS40/5" from Karaman, he states that they have to wait for now, and in the letter from "KBR87/4" from Kayseri, they will act soon. Ziya Efendi also says that since the organization has been completed in the "HK", "CH" region, he has to move there only with funds. If you want, he will give you extensive information about the situation himself. I can submit that we are followed closely, and Sivas regularly receives news of our plans and preparations. Do not trust Mehmet Ali. His mouth is not tight. Anyway, he's babbling. If you don't use anyone other than me in external planning and organization, you will act more wisely. It is imperative that Ali Kemal Bey be included in the list. If we offend this person who carries so much of our secrets, our plans will fall into the hands of the enemies as they are. Watch this person often. My best regards, my master.

5.11.6919 p.

Note : Kemal was caught, and because of his affiliation with him, the degree of relationship of "KBR 15/1" with the organization has emerged. It is necessary to protect this person.

LETTER I WRITED TO MÿSTER FREW

Gentlemen, we have tried our best to prevent this wide organization and put an end to the dangerous situations that have been created. As I have mentioned so far and I will try to remind you from now on, we worked hard to suppress and destroy the rebellions, revolutions and encroachments of the official enemy forces that you know. The Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha did not help other than trying to sink the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and quarreling with us for this, and his esteemed friends who came to power after him did not see any other service than to follow his path and eventually drift from disaster to disaster and from disgrace to disgrace.

Gentlemen, since it is assumed that all these secret sources of plot were gathered in Father Frew's mind and turned into action by pouring from there into the heads of traitors who would be our religious brethren, I wrote a letter to him personally, thinking that he would keep Father Frew out of this business for a while. . In order for the letter to be understood well, I should add the following information that I met and discussed with Mister Frew once or twice in Istanbul. Here is the Turkish translation of the letter I sent to Frew in French:

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To Mister Frew I gladly keep the memory of our conversations with you through Monsieur Marten. I would expect that you, who have lived in our country and among our nation for years, would have the right thoughts and convictions about us. However, unfortunately, I understand with great regret that some heedless and self-interested people around Istanbul who have contacted you are dragging you in the wrong direction. Among these, please allow me to inform you that the plan you prepared and started to implement with Sait Molla, which was heard from reliable sources, is of such a nature that the British nation should be really blamed. If our nation is seen through the eyes of our true patriots, not Sait Mullah, it can easily be concluded that such plans no longer apply in our country and our nation.

As a matter of fact, the failure of the Adapazarÿ and Karacabey events, which are among the events of today, is enough to confirm our word. However, what was the need for this? British officer Nowill in the Diyarbakir area. After much work to provoke the Muslim Kurdish people, wasn't the event that he tried to create against Sivas with the former Elazig Governor Galip and Malatya Governor Halil Bey in Malatya, after all, was it not an embarrassment to the entire civilization world?

I present to you with all seriousness and sincerity that if the British nation does not value the friendship and trust our nation has shown towards it, the error in this is profound. Otherwise, the methods you use are very lame and not of a quality that will lead to results and success. I don't see the need for more words as events will have proved to you the unfoundedness of the promise that two thousand liras sent to Adapazarÿ by Sait Molla will bring positive results soon. It is very dangerous that the Ottoman Sultan is portrayed as having a role in your joint works and issues, especially by the fraudsters who contact you. You will appreciate that Zatishahane is irresponsible and impartial, and they do not change or distort the facts concerning our national will and sovereignty. If we reveal to the British nation with the documents we have, the attempts of the British political officials in our country, which are undoubtedly against the tendencies and interests of the British nation, against our homeland and our nation, with inhuman and uncivilized measures, I think the result will not be appreciated by the world. However, due to its strangeness in this matter, I have to point out that you, as a clergyman, should not have fallen in love with playing a role in political games and especially in affairs that would result in bloody clashes. In my meetings with you, I did not see you as such a politician, but as a virtuous person who serves humanity, loves justice. I am honored to report how deceived I was in this, confirming the reliable information I received recently. Mustafa Kemal

ALI RIZA PAÿA CABINET BELIEVES THE ENEMY'S Slander and Sophisms as Facts

Gentlemen, is it still possible to doubt that the Istanbul Government knew better than the Representative Committee the real sources and causes of the events that clearly revealed the sinister consequences of the despicable attempts made and still being made in Istanbul under the eyes and knowledge of the government? Gentlemen, is it possible that the members of the government, who have in-depth knowledge of the events, will look at the slanders and rumors that the enemies put forward with the sole aim of deception and mischief, and try to apply their advice as a remedy and precaution?

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In order to answer these questions, I prefer to leave the floor to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, who is the interpreter of the thought of the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet, fearing to tire the minds of your great community.

Gentlemen, I confess that I had difficulty in understanding the meaning of the coded telegram given by Cemal Pasha on this subject and was amazed. I asked them to repeat their telegrams. Nâzÿr Pasha sent the following telegrams, one after the other, on 9 December 1919, which I will present to your information:

9.12.l919

to the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: The telegram requested to be repeated is presented below: It is known that the government has made requests to be invited to the Peace Conference. Peace Achieving good results from the Agreement depends on the fact that our delegates who will leave are people who have gained the trust of our nation and that they can represent a government with authority in the country. The establishment and settlement of security and peace in the country is strongly recommended by foreign representatives. It is said in an effective and striking language that the Christian people, who are in fear and terror because of the fear that they will be massacred in Anatolia, are taking refuge in the occupied areas in groups. Although those who go to the occupied areas, and especially to the Adana region, are going to increase the Armenian population in that region, it reduces the effect of the rejection and denial made by the government, by claiming that security and peace in Anatolia have deteriorated. Because, despite the guarantee given by the Representative Committee, the actions and interventions of some people in the provinces such as dismissing or replacing unsavory officials, disrupting the government's work, and collecting aid and taxes by force cannot be completely prevented, and there is still concern in foreign circles. . In any case, it is harmful for our state to take a threatening attitude towards the states that will make decisions about our future in the present situation on land and sea. Moreover, it was clearly stated by the representative of France that sending telegrams to the representatives on behalf of the Representative Committee indicates the existence of two governments in the country. Especially speaking insulting words against any of them cannot be compatible with moral cleanliness, common sense and far-sightedness that we have innately. It should not be forgotten that it is one of our national qualities to maintain dignity and tranquility at times of crisis, and the high interests of the country should not be sacrificed for excessive and dangerous goals and imaginations that will be brought to mind by despair and weariness. We can defend our rights in our present situation only by acting wisely in accordance with the requirements of politics, vigilance and time. Although these thoughts are to repeat what is known to their own personalities, it is an absolute necessity to give patriotic advice to friends and branches as well. It is expected that our Parliament, whose meeting is approaching, will find the right measures to be taken for the salvation and safety of our beloved homeland and will work with all its might to achieve this lofty goal.

I present the opinion of the cabinet. Minister of War Cemal Efendiler, I think it unnecessary to tire your great community by explaining what is written in this telegram you have heard. Only, if you allow, I will content myself with presenting my answer to this as it is.

Password Sÿvas, 11.12.1919 It was examined by our telegram dated 9 December 1919, which was sent to His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, as the opinion of the Cabinet. Despite all the explanations we have made and the information we have provided, this telegram text has been seen as a repetition of the previously reported views. The aim of our Hey'et-i Temsiliye is the government.

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It has been stated many times that the aim is not to allow the authority to be shaken and to increase the confidence of the nation towards the government. Unfortunately, we believe that the presented issues are not sufficiently emphasized. 1- It is not true that security and peace have been disturbed in Anatolia. Perhaps, this anarchy of thought and distrust, created during the fallen Damat Ferit Pasha Cabinet, later disappeared thanks to national unity.

2 - No dismissal or displacement of civil servants has been made out of the blue by individuals. However, the Ministry of Internal Affairs takes a very meaningful path with its resistance in reappointing the civil servants who were fired by the nation and whose names are known by all parties, during the time of the fallen cabinet, because they were against the National Struggle. The works of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which are completely against the national cause and create the feeling that the old minister Adil Bey mentality is still going on, are of course not well received by the people, justifiably and legitimately. The continuation of the same undersecretary, the same General Director of Internal Affairs and the same Director of Personnel Affairs puts both your high government and our Representative Committee, which is committed to the nation, in a very difficult position... The subject of the Dersim Mutasarnf, which we discussed, is noteworthy. There is nothing left to be done by the Representative Committee on this issue anymore. From now on, requests will not be made for the correction of situations that may arise due to such actions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as they are not well received and trusted by the Ministry.

Finally, let's say that if the high governments want to gain the trust and support of the nation and to be useful to this country and nation, our committee has no doubt about it, it should choose a way of going according to the spirit of the nation and the level of kindness of the situation and its main concern. He should treat himself. Otherwise, the aim cannot be achieved by targeting the Hey'eti Temsiliye and constantly writing articles of the same quality in terms of the path taken since coming to power.

3 - On the Aydÿn front, which is the legacy of the treacherous policy of the fallen government, which is the enemy of the nation and friend of the enemies, there may have been some inconveniences in the fundraising business. So much so, thanks to the national unity formed by the Sivas General Congress and the patriotic help and patronage of the Ministry of War, such situations have been prevented. 4 - The nation has not taken a threatening situation against any of the enemy states with which it is in the Armistice Agreement. However, it is determined to prevent the interventions against its sacred and legitimate rights, even with arms if it is absolutely necessary. 5 - As for the issue of the Delegation of Representatives sending a telegram to the delegates who will attend the peace conference, this is only protests that have been approved by the high governments. It is a legitimate right to make such applications. If the government shows the same sensitivity and does not hesitate to openly show that it agrees with the nation on such occasions, far from harming the policy, on the contrary, it is obvious that there will be great benefits. However, the French say that their high governments do not protest even an obvious injustice such as the occupation of Adana. In this respect, he should seek the wisdom of the French representative's open speech at this point. In summary, let us state that the Committee of Representatives has not fallen into despair and weariness, nor has it fallen into a state of unconsciousness that cannot comprehend what needs to be done for the safety of the nation and homeland in its sacred duties. It has adopted a dignified and dignified behavior as a principle, preferring to lethargy and humiliation, in all the measures it has taken in the name of the welfare of the nation and in all the works it has undertaken. Politics believed that this is the only way to act in accordance with the requirements of the time and vigilance. In this respect, he cannot recommend to the nation the opposite of these principles, which he took from the national spirit, which is careful and vigilant in the face of bitter realities, and he strongly hopes that the Parliament, which he finds it necessary to meet soon, will be equipped with the same spirit and emotion.

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6 - The opinion of our Representative Committee was presented above. As our representative, in these situations, we respectfully request that you enlighten the cabinet of their own states and explain the unfounded points to them, in the name of the safety of the country. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal

THE STATEMENT OF MAHMUT PASHA OF CRUKSULU

Gentlemen, as an example of how much negative deviations occurred in the mentality and thoughts of those who were known as respectable and sane people in Istanbul, dealing with the most important tasks related to the liberation of the homeland, because of breathing the poisonous air of Istanbul at that time, I would like to present to your information a small incident that I encountered while I was in Sivas. Perhaps there are those who remember among the esteemed members. One of the members of Ayân, Çürüksulu Mahmut Pasha, made a statement to one of the writers of the "Bosphore" newspaper about our political situation. You may also remember that Mahmut Pasha was a member of the Peace Preparations Commission at that time. I read Pasha's statement published in Tasvir-i Efkar newspaper dated 31 October 1919, 17 days later in Sivas. The statement "Although we do not justify the excessive demands of the Armenians, we would agree to make some corrections at the borders" caught my attention. The fact that this sentence, meaning to promise to make territorial concessions in favor of Armenia in Eastern Anatolia, was uttered by a statesman who was a member of the Peace Commission, was really worth considering and astonishing. For this reason, on 17 November 1919, in a telegram that I consider useful to write to His Excellency Çürüksulu Mahmut Pasha, I stated that, due to the sentence I pointed out in his statement, "After stating that the people of Eastern Anatolia are very upset and offended, quite rightly, in accordance with the decisions of the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses. I wrote that the nation will not leave a single inch of land to Armenia, and that even if the government submits to such a bitter obligation, the nation is determined to defend its own rights and this has been declared to the whole world, and that this national determination and decision, first of all, is given by the Peace Preparations Commission. I submitted that the esteemed members should know and act accordingly .

Gentlemen, many issues and events were encountered while we were in Sivas, and inevitably, national, administrative, military and political initiatives and activities were made. It would take a long time to describe all of these in detail. I will only pass by pointing out some points that will connect the chain of events we are watching.

RE-ORDERING THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION

Gentlemen, it was important to put the national organization in order. Special measures have been taken for this. Remedies were sought to resolve some of the differences of opinion that arose due to the elections. Some Circassian citizens in Maras had requested by telegram from the French military commander in Antep, that the governor of Cebel-i Bereket should be sent to Maraÿ on behalf of all the Circassians, so-called. Our condolences to the governor of Maraÿ who allowed this. If the aforementioned governor came, it was reported that the notables and notables of Maraÿ would not greet them. The attention of the Istanbul Government was also drawn.

Insecurity was increasing in the Bolu region. After Asÿm Bey in Izmit, Rüÿtü Bey, the commander of the 1st Division, was given a directive in this regard. Gentlemen, in a code sent by Kara Vasÿf and Colonel ÿevket Bey, signed by Kara Vasÿf and Colonel ÿevket Bey, from our organization in Istanbul on November 20, 1919, it was stated: "The fact that the district governor of Gebze was against the National Struggle and that this district governor was trying to cover up the evils of Yahya Kaptan, who dared to commit many terrible events. and by starting other things, it was reported that he was trying to disgrace the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and it was mentioned that the district governor would be replaced.

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We sincerely agreed with this view and, in our reply, stated that the issue should be resolved through Mr. Cemal.

Gentlemen, since this subject of Yahya Kaptan takes place in one of the most important phases of our revolution history and is very meaningful, I find it appropriate to give a little more information. There is no doubt that it will be understood from the information given so far, that an important point of the plan that the common internal and external enemies who came together and tried to implement is to prove to the world public opinion that there is insecurity within the country and that Christian minorities are attacked with tangible and visible evidence and events. was to convince them that these events were carried out by the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. As you know, for the realization of this secret and heinous purpose, they were trying to set up some gangs and have them attack especially the Christian people and blame the murders that these gangs would commit on the national organization. Although these enterprises began to sprout more or less all over the country, the most important development and activity was in Biga, Balikesir and especially in Izmit, Adapazarÿ and Bolu regions, due to its proximity to Istanbul.

We had to take extraordinary measures and take the initiative against this treacherous but - it must be admitted - very ingenious attempt. Because the Istanbul Government is really putting all these tricks of the enemy on the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, and instead of taking drastic measures for their destruction, it is on us to put an end to the activities of the enemy gangs that created these disasters by blaming and putting pressure on the Representative Committee. he wanted. Unfortunately, the government had succeeded in instilling and inculcating this thought and opinion in those who were at the head of our organization in Istanbul.

Gentlemen, the precaution we were considering to implement, especially in the Izmit region, which is close to Istanbul, was to establish armed national detachments there and to put an end to their evil and existence by going after the treacherous gangs with the help and support of our trusted commanders and officers in that region.

THE TOPIC OF YAHYA CAPTAIN

The most important and strongest of the national detachments we could form for this purpose was the detachment of a selfsacrificing patriot known as Yahya Kaptan. Our first relationship with the late Yahya was as follows: One day, telegraphers were giving the following information to the Sivas Telegraph Center: They stopped a telegram very hastily, that is, it was stopped in Istanbul. The telegram text is roughly as follows:

I am Yahya, who was recommended to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha from Izmit yesterday. I await your order at the Kuscali telegraph office tomorrow evening.

Kuÿçalÿ is a village between Üsküdar and Gebze. Indeed, Yahya Kaptan was recommended to me by our organization in Izmit.

On October 4, 1919, I received the following telegram from Kuÿçalÿ headquarters:

Important and very urgent to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Sivas

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It's me, Yahya, who was recommended to you from Izmit two days ago. At your command, I have come to take your orders at the telegraph. I am at the Kuscali telegraph office until tomorrow evening at the latest. John As it turns out, when Yahya Kaptan realized that his telegram had not been sent from Istanbul, he sent this telegram to the Kuÿçalÿ headquarters before he came to Kuÿçalÿ. I gave this order. 4.10.1919 To Yahya Efendi at Kuÿçalÿ Telegraph Office via ÿzmit Center Establish a strong organization in your region. Please contact us through Adapazarÿ District Governor Tahir Bey. Be ready for now.

Mustafa Kemal, Head of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of the Law Society Masters, Yahya Kaptan, on this order, established an organization and prevented the activities of treacherous gangs in the circles that had relations with Istanbul for months. In the end, he was killed by the Istanbul Government. Although the activity and tragic martyrdom of Yahya Kaptan is an event that will concern the following months, I think it would be appropriate to explain it now, in order not to return to the subject again, while the incident has been mentioned here. On November 24, 1919, I received the following telegram from Kartal Center: Due to innocent murder in the village, beating the district manager in front of everyone, and looting in the villages, the obligation to surrender Yahya Kaptan to the government arose. The Ministry of Internal Affairs is following this issue meticulously. The government's not being in a difficult situation requires the surrender of Yahya Kaptan. I am waiting at the machine for the orders of the self-states, sir.

Signed: Kartal Anadolu and Rumelia Defense Committee Chairman Major Ahmet Necati It was not a procedure for soldiers and civil servants to openly take the presidency of our national organization branches. Also, the heads of branches, who should know our organizational charter, should have known that the Committee of Representatives is only one committee and that there cannot be a committee of representatives everywhere. Upon this telegram, I wrote the following telegram to the Division Commander in Izmit.

Password Sivas, 25.ll.l9l9 Ivedi In a telegram sent by Ahmet Necati Bey with the title of Head of Kartal Defense Society to the 1st Division Commander Rüÿtü Bey in Izmit, it was stated that Yahya Kaptan had to be handed over to the government due to the killing, beating the parish manager and looting in the villages, and the Minister of Internal Affairs. It is reported that .

Since the handing over of this person, who has shown great help in the National Struggle since the press, to the government in these depressed days of our country is never considered appropriate, the issue is resolved by taking into account the authority of the government, and Yahya Kaptan is rescued from legal prosecution at this time, Necati in Kartal. It is kindly requested that the necessary directive be given to Mr.

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On behalf of the Representative Committee, I received the following telegram from Mustafa Kemal on 26 November 1919 at the Hereke headquarters: I beg you on behalf of the nation; these days, Major Necati Bey's corruption is tainting the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. I request that an investigation be ordered immediately.

Gebze District Militia Commander The answer I got from the Division Commander in Izmit, Yahya, is exactly as follows: ÿzmit, 29.11.1919 Interest in the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas: 25.11.1919 To the Presidency of the Representative Committee: According to the investigation I have made so far, Yahya Kaptan did not commit crimes such as murder and beating the parish manager, but only the person called Major Necati sought to destroy Yahya Kaptan's body in order to pursue his own personal interests and this was the case. It is understood that when they applied to your zaialal by telegraph on the subject, they deceived Yahya and planned to kill him by deceiving him and that Yahya had saved himself by sensing the situation. I'm deepening the investigation as needed. I present the result.

1st Division Commander Rustu The supplementary information given by Division Commander Rüÿtü Bey a few days later was as follows:

To the 3rd Corps Command in Sivas To the Hey'et-i Temsiliye: Although Major Necati Bey was an officer in the Maltepe Shooting School, he assumed the title of the President of the Defense of Law Society and was raising the scene with the Albanian Little Lion gang he gathered on behalf of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, and Gebze Gendarme Captain Nail Efendi cooperated with it. I have no doubts about what he did. Recently, the murder of the Danish Greek guards who caused trouble to the government, and the removal of a rich man named Stelianos to the mountain and asking for money to be carried out by the aforementioned gang, and all these things to be done by Yahya Kaptan, who does not accept such vulgarity, and making groundless denunciations about him both there and the government. In any case, it gives rise to the judgment that they have no other purpose than to fill their own pockets by causing trouble to the people and the government under the cover of the national organization, and perhaps they have another political purpose. Since Yahya Kaptan, who has been and has been acting very honest until now, does not participate in such acts and does not cause any disgrace to the above-mentioned gang in his own protection zone, they are trying to destroy his body, officially or unofficially. Yesterday, Captain Yahya came to me and officially told me that his life was in danger, so he would get away from here by bringing his men's weapons and ammunition and delivering them.

I sent him back to his place, giving him the necessary advice and telling him that there were important times to serve him again. When I officially asked about the situation from the district governor of Gebze, who should know everything well, the answer I got was exactly as I presented above, against Necati and Nail Efendi and in favor of Yahya Kaptan. Although I do not know with whom Necati Efendi communicated in Istanbul, it is said that he occasionally receives money from somewhere. Because of their existence and their intent on life, Yahya Kaptan does not want to stay in this area. In this respect, Necati Efendi, who was already an active officer, was sent to another place and Nail Efendi to another place.

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I do not consider it necessary to send it. Since they are communicating with Istanbul, of course, nothing can be done in my opinion. It is requested that the necessary be fulfilled.

1st Division Commander Rüÿtü I wrote the situation to the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, on 8 December 1919, talking at length about the information given by Rüÿtü Bey. On the same date, the situation and the application made to Cemal Pasha were explained, and the follow-up of the work was reported to the heads of our organization in Istanbul.

Nineteen days later, that is, in a long telegram dated 27 December 1919 and with the signatures of Vasÿf under the code and Colonel ÿevket Bey on the outside, the following information was given: Yahya Kaptan and his friend Kara Aslan and the Sadik gangs roaming Alemdaÿÿ are the main responsible for the insecurity and lack of peace. After talking about some of the spoils of Captain Yahya, "... He made an attempt to bring us into a situation where we could no longer harm this bandit." The reputation of the Little Aslan gang, which has always been on bad terms, has led him to cover up his crimes in various ways. Captain Hall is against Yahya. As for Necati Bey, he was elected president of the Kartal district during the old government that fell, and he cut off his relations with the center in the name of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, strengthened the National Organization... Upon the troubles of the Yeniköy Greeks around, he started to circulate the Little Aslan gang. . . Money has also been given by you. Yahya Kaptan resorts to the maneuver of leaving everything inconclusive. Major Necati, although a little unruly, did not deserve the punishment. Governor of Gebze. . . to be taken to another place as soon as possible and to put an end to the Greek and Armenian intrigues. . . Gentlemen, among this information, there were points that I did not know. For example, I was unaware of the Little Lion gang and its reputation. I certainly couldn't remember giving money to this gang through Mr. Necati.

We knew very well that Yahya Kaptan was trying to destroy the enemy gangs and at least to fail all their attempts to realize the enemy's purpose by attacking the Christian people, in accordance with our directive.

I think the interior of the Gebze district governor can be understood with the documents I will add now. On January 4, 1921, I summarized the information given by Vasÿf Bey to the Division Commander Rüÿtü Bey and informed him that this information contradicted the information given by him. In this regard, I requested that the situation be investigated and examined once more through reliable and credible persons, and that it be reported openly with his own opinion. Gentlemen, since I want you to have information on the documents that serve to reveal the truth, please allow me to present Rüÿtü Bey's answer as it is:

Duzce, 7/8.1.1920

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to the 20th Corps Command Reference: Code dated 4.1.1920: To the Presidency of the Representative Committee,

Upon various accusations against Yahya Kaptan, the investigation I had made several times through Captain Ali Aguÿ Efendi was in his favor. However, since he is ignorant, he may have done some things under the assumption that he was serving. Big and Little Lions are already bandits. However, the copy of the reply dated 1.12.1919 and numbered 17 that I received to the Gebze district governor, who undoubtedly had an opinion against the national organization and who should have complained more than anyone else, about Yahya, is given below.

I had to partially believe the information in this telegram, and with the same faith, I showed these letters to Istanbul, to Mr. ÿevket himself. It is submitted that if there is a need for an action to be taken against him by Istanbul for some reasons that you are not aware of, of course he will not try anything.

Copy of Reference: High orders dated 30.11.1919 and numbered 53. The reports of Major Necati Bey, Head of Kartal Defense of Rights Association, regarding murder and beating the parish manager, cannot be accepted as true since the person and time are not specified. Because Burhaneddin Bey, who was reported to have been beaten, stated in writing that he was not beaten and raped by Yahya Kaptan, and he did not make any complaint to your authority on this matter.

As for murder, there is no application or complaint against Yahya Kaptan to the government or the courthouse about such a murder, and there is not even a notification against him for his arrest. If this is meant to kill two Greeks from Darÿca and to take Stelianos Chorbaci from Kartal's Pasha village to the mountain and demand a ransom, it is common and true that these murders were committed by the Little Aslan gang. It has been learned that this gang, which has been hostile to Yahya Kaptan for a long time, and was actually protected by Captain Nail Efendi, was given the command of Major Necati Bey, and that this gang, whose number had reached eighteen, was even being paid a salary of fifty liras each. It is known that this gang did not hesitate to rob villages. It is known that Major Necati Bey is an old school friend of Captain Nail Bey, and that he met with him at his famous wedding in Aydÿnlÿ village a month and a half ago, with the money taken from Chorbaci, which was taken to the mountain by Ali Kaptan, a member of the Küçük Aslan gang. Later, Major Necati Bey came to Captain Nail Bey's house many times and was a guest. Captain Nail Bey has always been against Yahya Kaptan, as they both have the same opinion. When Yahya Kaptan was establishing the organization, Captain Nail Bey tried to drive him out of the borders of the district I was in and try to drive him away, and the above two murder incidents, which are said to have been committed by the Little Aslan gang and there is no doubt about their accuracy, were thought to pollute the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and to tarnish Yahya Bey. and its purpose was felt. However, these murders were committed within the scope of activity and action of the Aslan gang.

In fact, it is a fact that Captain Nail Bey had the Cavalry Detachment Commander Hakkÿ Bey, a member of the Istanbul Guard Regiment, who was to be sent to prosecute, transferred to Istanbul during the communication and left the job unfollowed, on the grounds that he no longer needed to come. If the mentioned murder case is something other than this, it should be reported by specifying the person and time in order for the situation to be clarified. Upon the spread of the news that the murder was committed by the Little Aslan gang, which was roaming free in the bazaar, on the day the Darÿca Greek guards were killed, Captain Nail Bey asked to be transferred to another place out of fear and said that he would definitely not live here. However, the regiment and battalion commanders and Major Necati Bey came here and requested Nail Bey to stay here, promising that they would write to the representative Sirri Bey to take action against Yahya Kaptan. Thereupon, the captain deceived Necati Bey, who was coming and going, on Tuesday, November 25, 1919, and told him against the truth.

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While making accusations and inviting Yahya Kaptan to the center by phone, he also planned to catch the Little Aslan gang in his own house. Necati Bey had to return to Kartal, as Aricak, for some reason, did not dare to do this and gave up his attempt. That is why Captain Nail Bey does not hesitate for a moment to resort to accusations and plots against Yahya Kaptan, both through Necati Bey and the Little Aslan gang that he used. Yahya Kaptan did not allow to loot the villages and kill and destroy the Christians, like the Little Aslan gang, who opposed him and was hostile. When some inconveniences are committed by the gang of Büyük Aslan Bey under his command, he immediately seeks to prevent and punish them, and serves to protect discipline and security for the independence and liberation of the homeland, which is a national goal. His services by helping the Büyük Aslan Bey gang beg for mercy and refuge and getting his forgiveness by the government are commendable.

It is submitted that the accusations against him are due to the fact that the captain did not bow to his personal ambitions, that the murder incidents that were committed by the Little Aslan gang and wanted to be brought down on Yahya Kaptan were not lacking, and that he gave severe warnings to the captain out of regret because of the protection of those who dare.

(Gebze District Governor Nurettin) 1st Division and Bolu District commander

Rustu Before this information was received, the masters gave the following news: Yahya Kaptan was surrounded in Tavÿancÿl. This is a military unit from Istanbul. Upon this news, we asked the Division Command in Izmit about the situation at the machine with the password dated 7 December 1920. If this news is true, we said, "Inform the unit commander, who was reported to have come from Istanbul, that Yahya Kaptan is our man, that if he has any faults or faults, it is natural for us to take the necessary action, and that we do not agree in any way to the embrace and arrest of Yahya Kaptan." .

Sirs, there are two telegrams written on 7 January 1920 and received on 8 January. One of them is from Izmit, with the signature of the Deputy Commander of the 1st Division, from Fevzi Bey. It is written: thousand "Tonight, people a force went of twoto Tavÿancÿl and they translated the Commander of the National Forces, Yahya Bey.

The other telegram was from the original Division Commander in Düzce. Rüÿtü Bey was giving the same information he received from his deputy in the center. In the reply of Deputy Division Commander Fevzi Bey, dated 7/8 January 1920, to our telegram on 7 January 1920, which awaited clarification, Yahya Kaptan had not been captured yet, that there was a possibility of a conflict between the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and the incoming platoon, and that he would inform the incoming platoon commander of our order. was reported. Gentlemen, on January 10, 1920, the following telegram came from my aide, Cevat Bey, who was in Istanbul as a deputy at that time:

Harbiye, 10.01.1920 to the 20th Corps Command To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: In the night of 6.1.1920, four officers, fifty gendarmes and Captain Nahit Efendi under the command of Deputy General Gendarmerie Commander Hilmi Bey and Üsküdar Gendarmerie Commander Nazmi Bey.

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Under his command, ninety soldiers from the Istanbul Guard Regiment were taken to Hereke with the lights of the Bandÿrma ferry turned off, and the detachment that went to Hereke early in the morning besieged Tavÿancÿl and many houses were raided. The delegation that came, gathered the village council of elders and declared that if they did not hand over the traitor Yahya or tell them where he was, they would burn Tavÿancÿl with its people. The board of elders insisted that Yahya Kaptan had not been in their village for two days and they did not know where he was. Yahya will not be captured alive. But after the destruction of Yahya, it is clear that the Greeks and disgraces in Istanbul, who own and dominate the Marmara Region and are armed daily by the British and French, will achieve great success. The elimination of Yahya, who carries the name of Kuva-yÿ Milliye, will lead to the birth of many gangs of mischief on behalf of our enemies in the vicinity of Izmit, Adapazarÿ and Istanbul. Therefore, it is requested that orders be ordered to ensure that Yahya's name is changed and released as I have presented before, with the seizure of His Holiness Cemal Pasha (Cevat).

Minister of War Jamal The sentence of this telegram, "Even though it was closed with the Harbiye password and Cemal Pasha's signature, contains the remedy for Yahya's rescue through the confiscation of Cemal Pasha" is remarkable. So, Cemal Pasha allowed Cevat Bey's telegram to be sent with his own password and signature, without the need to read it. Because it was Cemal Pasha who had Yahya followed once. Moreover, they would not have, of course, dictated that their help be ordered by him for his release, within their own knowledge.

In two telegrams dated 9 and 10 December 1920 from the Deputy Division Commander from Izmit, it was reported that Yahya Kaptan was captured dead after two battles, it was heard. On January 11, 1920, I asked the Deputy Division Commander to the platoon commander from Istanbul if he had served on my behalf. Three days later, in his report dated January 14, 1920, the Deputy Division Commander gave the following information: "From the investigation I made personally... it was understood that there was no combat and only that Yahya Kaptan was killed with a sharp object outside the village after he surrendered. The absence of a skull confirms this". Gentlemen, upon this ominous news, we wrote the following telegram to our organization in Istanbul, on 20 January 1920, through Colonel ÿevket Bey: Since it was understood that Yahya Kaptan was martyred intentionally after his surrender, due to the reasons for the murder of Captain Yahya, it is requested that many devoted friends who applied from Istanbul be informed urgently about who had a hand and influence in his murder, sir,

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal In response to an old article, the telegram we received from Istanbul on January 20, 1920, was as follows:

Besiktas, 20.1.1920 to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Interest : 17.11.1920.

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1- According to the testimony of a reliable person present at the scene, Captain Yahya was caught and taken to the police station outside the village, when ten bandits from the surrounding area fired on the police station, he tried to escape and was killed while he was at it. However, the government was called upon to conduct a good investigation.

2 - As the rumor spread that Yahya Kaptan had done many evil deeds on behalf of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, the government decided to prosecute as the private and official investigation confirmed this. However, our Committee asked not to prosecute on the condition that he hides temporarily and does not interfere in the affairs of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and does not dare to do evil, and sends back the fugitive soldiers and gendarmes who are with him, and attempts were made on the level of the relevant persons, and an officer was specially appointed to Gebze. had been sent. Meanwhile, the government secretly sent soldiers; only Yahya declared that he wanted to seize the captain and the situation presented has come true, sir.

ÿevket Efendiler, Commander of the Çanakkale Fortified Area, said, "While he was being taken to the police station outside the village, shots were fired from the surroundings (?). He tried to escape, and was killed during this time (?)." It is necessary to be very naive not to understand that these words are used as a formula in such assassinations. It is also noteworthy that the government, with which they worked and decided to eliminate Yahya Kaptan, had secretly, suddenly, brought about a fait accompli. In Istanbul, officers and soldiers from the gendarmerie and the Istanbul Guard Regiment are assigned...

In our reply to this telegram of Kara Vasÿf Bey, we asked the following:

Password

Ankara, 22.1.1920 In Istanbul, there are many people who seriously followed the murder of Captain Yahya to ÿevket Bey, Commander of Çanakkale Fortified Area, and demanded his account, especially in Istanbul. In order for the truth to be understood, it is requested to state what the evils that are reported to have reached the level of widespread rumor consist of.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal Gentlemen, I will present the answer to our request for clarification for your information, as it is, with your patience:

Besiktas, 24.1.1920 to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Interest : 20.1.1920 1 - We heard that Yahya Kaptan was killed after he surrendered. We are investigating. We will present the result.

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2 - The reason why he was killed was that he did not listen to anyone, that he openly committed cruelty and banditry in the name of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, that he had always concealed the bandit or did not listen to the orders given to him to go to the indicated place. attempting without his knowledge, sir. (Qualification).

Çanakkale Fortified Area Commander Colonel ÿevket Honorable Gentlemen, in the second article of the telegram, it can never be right to show Yahya Kaptan's failure to listen to anyone as the reason for his murder. The deceased martyr was listening to me, taking orders from me. He was acting according to my order. I had not ordered him that he was attached to another authority or person and that he had to take orders from them. For this reason, it was what we wanted that everyone from Istanbul, the Minister of Internal Affairs, and the Gendarmerie Commander, the traitor Kemal Pasha, should not listen to the orders. It was not he himself who committed banditry and cruelty on behalf of the Kuvayi Milliye, but gangs like the Little Aslan gang, which were understood based on the documents that they were founded with a treacherous purpose. The fact that Yahya tried to prevent their banditry has been confirmed by the investigations of those whose words should be trusted.

With the joint signatures of the President of the Gebze Defense Committee and the Gebze District Governor, Fevzi Bey, I can't help but mention an application made at the machine before the occurrence of this sad event:

Upon the slanders made by some people about Gebze Kuva-yÿ Milliye Commander Yahya Bey, I received from the public that he was besieged in Tavÿancÿl and the siege was still continuing, with a force of about two thousand people who finally came from Istanbul on Tuesday night under the command of commanders and high-ranking officers. understood from the information. It is known by your high command that this action against such a person who works for his country is very unfair. We are waiting at the machine to order what kind of action to be taken in order to save Yahya Bey.

Chairman of the District Governor's Defense Committee Fevzi Haji Ali Gentlemen, please allow me to present the information given by Deputy Sirri Bey, who was dealing with the Kuva-yÿ Milliye organization in the Izmit region at that time:

Izmit, 11.11.1920 To the 20th Corps Command 1Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: The subject of Yahya Kaptan, whose communication was made four days ago, finally resulted in his martyrdom, as you may have heard. 2 - There is no doubt that Yahya Kaptan's being in an organized state at the entrance of Istanbul intimidated those who had taken a front against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, that he was planned to be eliminated.

3 - The fact that Yahya Kaptan was killed for this purpose removes the event from being limited and requires consideration by the Representative Committee. 4 - Regiment Commander Hikmet Bey, who did not move from his place and did not give orders to any unit under his command while the Izmit sanjak was nervous because of the bandit, and considered the escape of fifteen or twenty people from the prison next to him as a simple daily event, said that Yahya's murder was an important matter.

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counted. He set out in person with the gendarmerie forces he took with him, and eventually reached his goal by inflicting a heavy blow on the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. There is a sequel (Deputy Secret).

Acting Commander of the 1st Division Fevzi

To the 20th Corps Command 5 - The Kuva-yÿ Milliye, which was established in Gebze, will be left without a head, which will leave them in fear from now on.

6 - The fact that Yahya, known as the mainstay of the entire Kuva-yÿ Milliye, was eliminated in this way has rightly confused the public. 7- The murder of Yahya is considered as evidence for the aggressive attitude that the government will adopt towards the Kuvayÿ Milliye from now on. 8 - Upon this move, there will be no doubt that foreigners will also judge the Kuva-yÿ Milliye as worthless and destructible in the eyes of the government. In this regard, necessary measures should be taken. There is a sequel (Deputy Secret).

Acting Commander of the 1st Division Fevzi It is an addition to the code numbered 68 of the 20th Corps Command. It is the continuation of the the previous ones: 1 -the Unless the situation saved confusion and measures are notistaken tofrom give the Gebze forces to a reliable person immediately, it should definitely be known that even a single person will not be able to hold the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in the entire Izmit sanjak, including the Üsküdar sanjak.

2 - It is imperative that Gendarmerie Regiment Commander Hikmet Bey be removed from his place without delay. 3 - The existence of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in the Izmit sanjak depends on the fact that District Governor Revzi Bey, who is in army service, is the gendarmerie commander. There is no other choice. I highly recommend this for your information (Deputy Secret).

Acting Commander of the 1st Division Fevzi It is an addition to the code numbered 79 to the 20th Corps Command: 1Since the rumors that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye is not valued and despised on the Anatolian sides have given more strength to the dissidents after the sad event, it is imperative to take an actual measure to show that the strength and power have not been lost. . 2 - I consider the presence of His Holiness Ali Fuat Pasha necessary so far. 3 - I am compelled to repeat the necessity of taking the actual measures to show that the Izmit sanjak is given importance and importance (Deputy Secret).

Acting Commander of the 1st Division

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Fevzi Rauf Bey, who was in Istanbul at that time, also sent the following letter: Istanbul, 19.2.1920 It was understood from this place that Yahya Kaptan was killed after his surrender to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha. An application was made to the guard, and an autopsy was also carried out. The government has started legal proceedings, sir. Best regards, Hussein Rauf

ONE OF MY CONSCIOUS DUTIES

Gentlemen, there was no doubt that Captain Yahya had been killed. After this fact was known, wasn't it an evidence that the perpetrators of the murder could not be brought to light that the government that killed him started to prosecute him? But Lords; Time makes it possible for everything and every fact to be examined sincerely in front of history. Distinguished Gentlemen; Because I believe that the investigation of the reasons and factors that led the government and the heads of our organization in Istanbul to be instrumental in the commission of such a heinous murder, will bring exemplary results, because I explained an event that may seem insignificant at first glance, based on evidence and documents. If I have helped create an environment in which the truth can be revealed clearly in the eyes of the nation with this statement, I will believe that I have fulfilled one of my conscientious duties and I will feel peace of mind.

Gentlemen, it is helpful to keep two points in mind when examining this incident. At those points: First: The secret organization of which Sait Molla is a member, and the role played by the personal gangs affiliated with this organization in the Gebze and Kartal regions, and the skill and success shown in deceiving and deceiving those who pretend to be patriotic and impose this role on our men. Second: The heads of our Istanbul organization, who were under the command of us, the Representative Committee, and were obliged to act in accordance with the directives and information given by it. They should have also accepted that if they fulfill this obligation sincerely, it is possible to walk towards the main goal without splitting. However, these people did not hesitate to consider their minds and precautions to be high despite the warnings of the Committee of Representatives, and they got angry by making the hindrance of their freedom of movement a matter of dignity and, under the influence of this crippled feeling, they reached the point of being deceived.

Now, Gentlemen, I will end my explanations on this subject by revealing to your merciful eyes a telegram that really makes the hearts of those with conscience and compassion weep: Istanbul, 14.01.1920 Head of the National Forces in Ankara To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha My wife, Yahya Kaptan, was killed by Gebze Gendarmerie Captain Nail and First Lieutenant Abdurrahman Efendi, even though he surrendered without being guilty before the law, just because of his interest in your high personality. All the people of Tavÿancÿl are witnesses of the event. place of right

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It was applied to the Ministry of Justice and Internal Affairs to find it. We are in a miserable situation with two orphans, We are waiting for your high initiative and help in this matter, the order is yours. In Keçeciler in Karagümrük Yahya Kaptan's wife, ÿevket Hanÿm, at number 19 in Karabaÿ District. Now, Gentlemen, I will end my explanations on this subject by revealing a telegram that really makes the hearts of those with conscience and compassion weep, more mercifully:

SOME OTHER EVENTS THAT WE ENCOUNTERED IN THE AUTUMN 1919

Gentlemen, we touched on the issue of Yahya Kaptan due to the events on 20 November 1919. We had to explain and complete this event in various aspects by making many jumps in terms of time and distance. Now, if you excuse me, let's go back to the date we left and watch the events:

The operation of the Ankara - Eskiÿehir railway was prevented by the Allied Powers. On 21 October 1919, it was reported to the Ankara Central Committee that the representatives of the Entente Powers protested violently for the operation of this road. The founders of the Adana organization were enabled to continue their work by coming to Niÿde or Kayseri and contacting us. Since the situation on the Aydÿn front was getting dangerous and serious day by day, we wrote to the Minister of War to allocate four hundred thousand liras of the Navy Society to the needs of this front, as agreed with Salih Pasha in Amasya. We asked the Commander of the 12th Corps in Konya to give arms and ammunition to the mujahideen on this front and to support the front with machine guns and artillery units.

The masters, the French, under the pretext of inspecting the Bandÿrma - Soma railway, had sent a detachment to Bandÿrma. It was clear that they did not have the right to send soldiers to Bandÿrma, where the security situation was perfect. On 24 November 1919, we drew the attention of the 14th Corps and 56th Division Commanders to this point. Foreign officers were traveling around the Aydÿn front, making propaganda and understanding the situation. Such officers should definitely not be allowed to contact the units at the front, they should make their official applications to the government, if they have anything to say to the National Forces, they should be informed that they should apply to us through our central committee, if they make propaganda, they should be removed from the region in a protected manner and there is a definite obligation. It was informed to the front to use weapons against the Entente soldiers to be seen at the front. Gentlemen, we wanted to ensure that the people of Izmir directly participate in the elections. For this reason, we were announcing our purpose in various ways. However, the Greeks naturally prevented it.

On November 29, 1919, we protested this situation in the presence of the representatives of the Entente States and neutral embassies, and we wanted to announce this to the people of Izmir by writing to Ethem Bey, the Izmir Telegraph and Post Chief Director. Gentlemen, perhaps many of you remember. During the occupation years, a foreign newspaper called Ferda was published against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in Adana. This newspaper was full of columns and nonsense made up against us, just to mislead and confuse the Anatolian public opinion. Undoubtedly, we prevented this newspaper from being brought into Anatolia.

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However, Damat ÿerif Pasha, who found it useful to read this newspaper in the country and was exonerated by the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet and Cemal Pasha many times, gave orders not to prevent the free distribution of this poisonous rag called Ferda newspaper. For this reason, we found it necessary to draw the attention of Cemal Pasha, friend of ÿerif Pasha, on 3 December 1919.

ARRIVAL TO ANKARA

Gentlemen, upon the necessity of not being able to prevent the assembly of the Parliament in Istanbul, in the Assembly to be convened in Istanbul, "a firmly determined group that has agreed to protect and defend the aim consisting of obtaining the integrity of the homeland and the independence of the state and nation. We thought "creating" as the only solution. In order to achieve this, as you know, in the instruction and circular dated November 18, 1919, we have included this issue as one of the important points on which the deputies will meet in groups in certain places.

On the same date, we thought that we should invite one deputy from each sanjak to Eskiÿehir in order to form this group. Let's unite the deputies who will go to Istanbul by train via Eskiÿehir with the deputies we will invite, and let's go to Eskiÿehir ourselves and have long-term discussions in a general meeting to be held. In the meantime, we wanted to talk about the measures regarding the security of the deputies in Istanbul. However, as can be understood from the information I will give from now on, we preferred to hold this meeting by staying in Ankara. After staying in Sivas for another month, we moved to Ankara.

We announced our arrival to Ankara with the following open communiqué dated 27 December 1919: Departing from Sivas to Ankara via Kayseri, the Representative Committee came to the city today, all the way through and in Ankara, amid the warm and sincere patriotic displays of our great nation. This example of unity and determination shown by our nation unwaveringly strengthens their belief in confidence in the future of our country.

For now, the headquarters of the Representative Committee is in Ankara. Best regards, sir. On behalf of the Committee of Representatives, Mustafa Kemal, on January 2, 1920, we made a separate notification to the Central Committees of the Association, to Çelebi Cemalettin Efendi in Hacÿbektaÿ and to Hacÿ Musa Bey in Mutki. The text and format of this paper was as follows: . . . Our observations and investigations during our journey showed us that the national organization on which our national unity, manifested by the divine grace of Almighty God, the true protector, is based, has become an ingrained, truly reliable force and power to save the future of the nation and country.

Thanks to this national unity and determination, and within the framework of the Erzurum-Sivas Congresses, the external situation became favorable to the interests of the homeland and the nation. Based on our sacred unity, determination and faith, we are requested to work with great resistance until the day when our legitimate demands are achieved, and to announce this declaration to the whole nation in the form of a circular, until it reaches the villagers. Anatolia and Rumelia Defense Law Society Committee On behalf of the Representative

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Mustafa Kemal

KAZIM KARABEKIR PASHA SUPPORTS HEYET-I TEMSÿLÿYE TO GO TO ANKARA NOT

Gentlemen, the idea of transferring the headquarters of the Representative Committee to Ankara was quite old. I will quote a telegram from Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, as it is here, when this idea was first mentioned:

To the 3rd Corps Command Erzurum, 3.10.1919 To the Representative Committee: I am of the opinion that the high delegation representing the Kuva-yÿ Milliye should not go not only to Ankara, but even to Sivas. Because, the departure of this delegation, which means the Kuvayÿ Milliye of the Eastern provinces, will cause these provinces to be unorganized. In order for the National Struggle, which has been led so far legitimately and logically, to be managed from a place, as in the past, against our enemies who have always wanted to discredit and show our every attempt, the Hey'et-i Temsiliye should not pass from Sivas to the west. I submit that there is.

Kazÿm Karabekir, Commander of the 15th Corps, I wanted to conclude that such a telegram was unfounded. But, unfortunately, the code telegram was sent from Erzurum to the 3rd Corps in Sivas. Under the deciphered code, "Opened. Conquest 4/5 October" was sent to us from the 3rd Corps, even though there was a letter and signature to the person concerned. Gentlemen, after Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha came to Sivas upon our invitation and had meetings with us, he would undoubtedly have realized that his earlier thought and opinion with this telegram was not correct. However, it is clear that there will be no need for a face-to-face meeting to understand the inaccuracy of this thought and view. I think even a quick glance at the reasons on which this thought and view is based is enough to understand their falsity.

For one thing, it should have been known already that the Representative Committee did not only constitute or represent the national power of the Eastern provinces, but perhaps represented the national forces of the whole country - Anatolia and Rumelia. Moreover, there were telegraph discussions on this point that lasted for days. Also, the relocation of the Representative Committee from Sivas to Ankara could not have been a reason for disorganization in the Eastern provinces. There was no doubt that the Committee of Representatives could give the same orders and instructions from Sivas to the Eastern provinces by telegraph from Ankara. On the other hand, there were of course many logical reasons that necessitated and justified the fact that the Committee of Representatives was located closer to the Western provinces and Istanbul rather than the Eastern provinces. First, there were those of our Western and South-West provinces that fell directly into the hands of the enemy. It was necessary to establish strong defense fronts against the enemy invading these provinces and to strengthen them. However, there was no such pathetic situation in our eastern provinces. It certainly did not seem likely that an imminent actual danger would arise. According to a remote possibility, let's say, even if it was accepted that the Armenians would launch a direct attack from the east, the 15th Corps, which was decided to be supported by the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, was ready under their command. However, on the Izmir fronts, there were various command methods, forces of different qualities, and various harmful effects of different nature, coming from various negative sources. A front had not yet been formed against the occupation of Adana.

THOSE TAKING THE RESPONSIBILITY TO MANAGE THE GENERAL SITUATION, THE MOST IMPORTANT TARGET

AND THEY SHOULD BE AS CLOSE AS POSSIBLE TO THE NEAREST DANGER

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In this respect, the way and method to be followed is that those who take the responsibility of managing and managing the general situation should be as close as possible to the most important goal and the nearest danger. As long as this closeness is not so much as to lose sight of the general situation! Ankara was a point that gathered these conditions in itself. In any case, we were not going to Balÿkesir, Nazilli or Afyonkarahisar because we would deal with the fronts. However, we would come to Ankara, which is connected to the fronts and Istanbul by rail and which is no different from Sivas in terms of managing the general situation. After the meeting of the Parliament in Istanbul was deemed necessary, I find it unnecessary to explain how appropriate and beneficial it was to come to Ankara. Gentlemen, while the reasons were put forward for not moving the Representative Committee to Ankara, I could not make any sense of the talk of enemies who have always wanted to discredit and show our every attempt. Indeed, as he said, the enemies have seen or can see well which of our actions and attempts, so let's act accordingly!

If the one that led to this thought and view: "In Istanbul, there is an Ali Rÿza Pasha Government that believes in the national cause. After the Majlis-i Meb'usan convened there and started to control the destiny of the nation and the country, it was the western fronts of the Delegation of Representatives. What need is there for him to have a relationship with the Majlis-i Deputy? If it was such a thought and opinion, it can be emphasized to some extent. However, when this is the case, the general situation, the inner face of the events and the real conditions are in terms of view and understanding. It must be admitted that there is an impossible ditch between the Representative Committee and Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha. Enemies will despise the arrival of the Representative Committee in Ankara, even if the origin of the thought and opinion that has been put forward can be better understood, we do not have much time to spare for this for now.

ATTEMPT TO MEET WITH NEW PARLIAMENTS IN ANKARA

Gentlemen, as I have said before, in the first telegram we wrote to invite the deputies, with the request for a meeting and meeting of a day or two, - which we sent a copy of this telegram as a printed document by mail - after the purpose was explained, "Hey'et-i Temsiliye will be located." "The meeting date will be determined by communicating after the names and addresses of the deputies to be sent are known. The Representative Committee will go to a place close to Istanbul in a short time." had tried.

On our arrival in Ankara, since the Ankara - Eskiÿehir railway started to operate, we showed Ankara as the meeting place with the deputies, with an addition to our previous communiqué on 29 December 1919, and declared this with a circular. One of the articles of this circular was that as many people as possible from the other deputies were highly requested to participate in the negotiations.

Gentlemen, I think you wouldn't be surprised if I tell you that even this benevolent and patriotic attempt, which we hope will be very beneficial, was brought before the Istanbul Government. Let me explain this point a little bit: While we were inviting the deputies to Ankara, some people were taking countermeasures and making attempts to invalidate this invitation and prevent the planned meeting...

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As a matter of fact, a telegram signed by Burdur Deputy Hüseyin Baki and dated 29 December 1919 came as follows:

"On behalf of the deputies gathered in Istanbul, with the signature of Aydÿn Deputy Hüseyin Kazÿm, Inspection" In the telegram sent to the Presidency of the Board of Directors, it is announced that it is very necessary for me to come to Istanbul by the fastest means, and today, in the telegram from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it is stated that I am leaving.

Although my opinion on this matter has been explained and presented to your information, upon the order and announcement given by His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha on behalf of the Representative Committee, I am waiting for the orders of the individual states, sir." In a telegram signed by Akdaÿmadeni deputy Bahri and dated the same date: "Although the telegram signed by Aydÿn deputy Hüseyin Kâzÿm states that the deputies will arrive in Istanbul by the fastest means, it is not clear whether the deputies elected as members of the Representative Committee or all the deputies were invited. Please let me know which way to go. Their permission is requested, the order is yours."

Sirs, telegrams like this came one after another. It was understood from these telegrams that the deputies thought that the Delegation of Representatives, the Istanbul Government, and those who could see in themselves the authority to invite all deputies by telegraming from Istanbul, agreed and agreed on a common goal. They could not even remember and imagine the negative intentions of the government and the people in question. At best, it was evident from the sincerity and sincerity in their telegrams that they thought that there was a newly agreed situation between us and the people in Istanbul, or that there might be a mistake in terms of arrangement, and that they accepted the situation as such.

The answer I gave to the deputies who applied to us was as follows: We have nothing to do with what Hüseyin Kâzÿm Bey has reported. It seems that the person mentioned does not know the situation well. We kindly request that our telegrams dated 12 and 27 December 1919 be acted upon, that it is more appropriate for the interests of our nation and our country, that the necessary action be taken promptly, that the necessary response to the telegram sent by Kazÿm Bey on his own should be given and that the result be reported, we present our respects, sir. On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal We wrote the following circular to all deputies: Ankara, 30.12.1919 It is understood that Aydÿn Member of Parliament Hüseyin Kazÿm Bey sent telegrams to some of the esteemed deputies about their immediate departure to Istanbul. Since this action showed that the person mentioned did not know the situation well, he was told about this situation and he was informed about the announcements numbered .... day ..... In this regard, as requested by the Committee of Representatives, the honorable deputies elected as members of the Representative Committee and the members of the parliament who wish to participate in the meetings are requested to visit Ankara once again, starting from the fifth of January.

On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal, with a code dated December 30, 1919, told our organization in Istanbul: "After mentioning Hüseyin Kazÿm Bey's attempt, he should be informed of our announcement and if they want to participate in the negotiations, please and immediately visit Ankara. We informed the necessity of explaining.

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Gentlemen, while we were waiting for news from our organization in Istanbul, we came across someone. I don't think you'll have any trouble guessing who it will be. As you know, a person who is both our representative and minister in Istanbul... Cemal Pasha... Yes, the following telegram dated January 1, 1920 was sent with the signature of "Minister of War Cemal Pasha": to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: I present the written requests of a group of deputies in Istanbul, who applied to us, as follows:

- It is imperative that the Majlis-i Meb'usan convene as soon as possible. Currently, some lawmakers 1 Their invitation to Ankara will prevent the Assembly from opening immediately. 2 - Among the bad comments that this situation and the invitation made, the one that will attract the attention of the enemies most is the assumption that the legislative power is operating under the influence of other powers. This will of course cause great distrust inside and outside. 3 - In the face of such a situation and attitude, the Assembly's. It is not possible for him to perform the services expected of him. 4 - As was done before, sending a person who has broad powers to contact and establish relations with the deputies to Istanbul as a representative is sufficient for the realization of his purpose.

5 - It is expected that the arrival of the deputies invited to Ankara will be postponed and an urgent announcement will be made again for the immediate departure of those gathered there. War Minister Cemal Efendiler, do you see a sincerity and nobility in this manner of behavior and writing? First of all, our decision to hold a meeting with the deputies and our announcement about it was known a month and a half ago. If this attempt of ours was really seen as contrary to the interests of the country and objectionable, wouldn't it be necessary for the masters and the government, who claim to be pursuing the same national goal as us, to have agreed with us, or at least to inform us of their thoughts and attempts, before writing telegrams to the deputies we invited to Istanbul? ? In order to hasten their way directly to Istanbul instead of doing so, the Inspection Was it right to confuse and confuse the deputies in the provinces with the signatures of Sheikh Muhsin-i Fani and the Minister of Internal Affairs through the Presidency of the Board of Directors and to try to fail our attempt by creating a fait accompli? Secondly, Sirs, these masters, who do not think of hurrying when the renewal of the elections is not done for months and months and a certain legal period has already passed, these masters, as a success of our numerous attempts and efforts since Erzurum and Sivas, the renewal of the elections has been ensured and each of them has also been elected as a deputy. Would a delay of as little as three to five days, after being achieved through mediation and effort, warrant such haste? Especially since this delay was based on the realization of a great purpose, especially for the purpose of negotiating measures regarding the immunity of the persons of those who made the mistake of meeting in Istanbul, should they have dragged these masters into such a hurry? Why was it important to rush to be insulted and disgraced as soon as possible without taking any precautions or decisions?

Thirdly, weren't these masters, who wanted to deceive their immaculate and spotless friends and quickly bring them into the circle of danger and insult they were in in Istanbul, from the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Society? Were they not members of this national society? Members of a society, even though they are deputies, by meeting with the leaders of the association,

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Were they not compelled to act within the framework of the program to be determined at the end? Isn't this the case in all civilized societies all over the world? Why was it delusional that a group meeting and interacting with the leaders of a party would lead to the assumption that the legislature was acting under the influence of other powers, and why was it feared that this would draw the attention of the enemies? Couldn't these masters ascribe it to their high honor and dignity to be seen as being under the influence of the organization that had ensured the renewal of the elections and the election of the deputies?

These gentlemen, declaring with a clear conscience and a clear forehead that the deputies are affiliated with a strong national organization within the country, that they cannot depart from the specific goals determined by that organization, and that they are under the influence of that organization, in any case, is the greatest confidence and respect at home and abroad. Couldn't they appreciate what you could gain? And to understand that the Assembly will not be able to perform the services expected from it, unless an attitude and situation is taken that is ready to face any danger in the way of realizing a certain national purpose, having such a conscience and faith, does it mean to succumb to the priesthood or, as it is seen, to attacks and insults sluggishly? Was it tied to bending? These masters do not want me to meet with the deputies in person. Again, the government and some masters do not consider it appropriate for me to go to Istanbul. However, they recommend sending a delegate with broad powers. Honestly, there is nothing to say about their intelligence and understanding at this point! Wasn't it the representatives we sent, that they had a primary effect on the deputies' falling into the clutches of the enemy, and eventually proved that they were incapable of finding any precaution and remedy to protect even their own persons. When we fail to deceive them and bring them into a fait accompli in calling the deputies to Istanbul without asking anyone, is not the courtesy shown in asking us to make an announcement this time, Gentlemen?

Dear Sirs, in response to the telegram I have mentioned, I wrote the following short code: 5.1.11924 We are waiting for the names of the deputies who gave the motion to His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, and to whom they addressed this motion, sir.

On behalf of the Committee of Representatives

Mustafa Kemal Harbiye (Ministry), 6.1.1920 to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara Reference : January 5, 1920

Special to His Excellency Mustafa Kemai Pasha: The names of the deputies are: Hüseyin Kazÿm, Tahsin, Celalettin Arif, Hâmit... and others. Those who brought it to me are the first two people.

According to the information given to us later, the Minister of War, Cemal Efendiler, was not a group of deputies who telegraphed me. The Grand Vizier summoned a person named Hakkÿ Bey, whom he learned to be a Siverek deputy and whom he knew personally, and Hüseyin Kazÿm Bey, to withdraw to me.

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He wrote a short telegram. Some people had this telegram signed by hand. Hakkÿ and Hüseyin Kâzÿm Beys took it to Cemal Pasha to be sent as a code. This means that the telegram, which consists of five articles and is called a motion, was made up later. In any case, although the motion was mentioned, the fact that the office to which the motion was presented was not yet known was enough to show that there was a ruse in this matter and that there was a special purpose. The Assembly was not yet opened and the Presidency of the Assembly had not taken office. However, after receiving this telegram from Cemal Pasha, I wrote the following encrypted telegram: Ankara, 9.1.1920 To His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha Special to Hüseyin Kazÿm, Tahsin, Celalettin Arif, Hamit Gentlemen: We learned about your views, which you have informed through His Highness the Minister of War, that coming to Ankara will lead to bad comments. The subject is about the existence of the homeland and nation. If a strong group based on the national organization is not established in the National Assembly and the decisions announced by the Sivas General Congress and the nation to the whole world are not adopted by the majority of the Assembly as a belief and principle, the success of our national service will be in vain. The country may suffer a disaster. Therefore, the propaganda of some stateless and irreligious people cannot be of any value to us. The goal is the liberation of the homeland and nation. It is very important for us to reach an ideal unity with your presence for a day or two and mutual meeting. Choosing the path to take accordingly depends on your high vision. Best regards, sir. On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal

A FALSE PROPHET IN BAYBURT

Distinguished Gentlemen, While we were dealing with this distressing situation in Istanbul, which we touched and explained, a very important and bloody event was taking place in the eastern end of the country, created by a false prophet. Regarding this, many reports were coming from the 15th Corps Command. There is a Hart village four hours away from Bayburt. A sheikh named Eÿref, who lived in this village, was indoctrinating Shiite. The mufti of Bayburt and the clergy, who were saddened by this, sent a delegation they formed to Hart to bring the sheikh for questioning and invited the sheikh on behalf of the local government... The sheikh did not comply with this invitation... The local government sent a unit of 50 people. The sheikh, who was completely enraged by this, attacked the unit with his followers; took his weapons and ammunition; He had his privates and officers captured and some of them martyred... After that, some units in the vicinity were sent to Bayburt, but it was preferred that the matter be resolved peacefully without bloodshed... Several delegations of clergy and high-ranking officers were sent to the sheikh. ... Advice was given to the government to obey... Thus, sixteen days were lost in vain. The request of the delegation headed by the last Erzurum judge could not be effective on Sheikh Eÿref. On the contrary, the sheikh said to them: "You are all infidels! I do not know anyone and I will not bow down. I will fight. Allah is my duty to announce my command to my servants." He deceived the people by sending some leaflets and made them join him... Then, Lieutenant Colonel Halit Bey, who came to Bayburt and took the command of the 9th Division, moved to Hart with sufficient force on 25 December 1919. Since the sheikh has decided to oppose the rebels he has gathered, the artillery and infantry units must clash and clash with the sheikh. Meanwhile, some of the sheikh's followers gather in the surrounding villages to help Hart. Finally, as Lieutenant Colonel Halit Bey reported directly to me from Bayburt in his cipher dated January 1, 1920, "The Hart incident resulted in the murder of the false prophet and his sons and some of his subordinates, and the surrender of Hart.

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Since Halit Bey also gave some information about the deputies in this cipher, I wrote him the following coded telegram on January 1/2, 1920: I congratulate you on the success of my brother in the case of Hart and thank you for your efforts to bring the deputies to Ankara. Mustafa Kemal

War Minister Cemal Pasha WANTS TO REMOVE THE YOUNG COMMANDERS FROM HIS HEAD

Gentlemen, there was an issue that could not be resolved between the Ministry of War and the Representative Committee. Nâzÿr Pasha wanted to put the generals in Istanbul at the head of the corps and the commanders in the rank of colonels at the head of the divisions. He was talking about sending other commanders and officers to the troops in Anatolia. He put forward this request as a principle and his application; By appointing Ahmet Fevzi Pasha, the former Undersecretary of the Ministry of War, to the 20th Corps Command, replacing Ali Fuat Pasha in Ankara, and Nurettin Pasha to the 12th Corps Command, replacing Colonel Fahrettin Bey in Konya. He wanted to bring it to a fait accompli. If this system was followed and implemented, all the young generals and commanders who were trained in the First World War and who were promoted to corps and division commanders would undoubtedly have been dismissed from these duties. Because the old generals and commanders gathered in Istanbul were ahead of the younger commanders in terms of seniority and rank.

We could never be in favor of this principle. In particular, we could not say that such crippling works, which were undertaken by forgetting the conditions we were in, would certainly happen. For this reason, we were always informing Cemal Pasha of our opinion and that the newly appointed corps commanders should not be sent. Fahrettin Pasha was at the head of his corps and was trying to provide aid and support to the Aydÿn front. Ali Fuat Pasha was dismissed during transaction. the time of Ferit Pasha. Cemal Pasha did not want to correct that unjust

The Commander of the 24th Division, Commander of the 24th Division, Lieutenant Colonel Mahmut Bey, was commanding the 20th Corps as a deputy. Ali Fuat Pasha was both the Commander of the National Forces and actually dominated his corps. We firmly decided not to accept a change of command in the corps and divisional units, and not to sacrifice the commanders, whose personalities are known to us, especially those who were under the command of the national cause and working on that path, to such an empty and unknown principle. However, we found it useful and wanted the young and devoted officers and doctors in Istanbul to be sent to Anatolia, to army units as soon as possible. When we came to Ankara, Cemal Pasha started to insist on this work and hurry. He made it a matter of dignity. He began to intimidate by announcing that he would resign. In the coded telegram I wrote to the Minister of War on 29 December 1919, upon his insistence that he be answered at the machine: "In fact, we never permanently accepted Ali Fuat Pasha's resignation from the command. Ahmet Fevzi Pasha's appointment to the command is out of the question. The implementation of the principles that were designed and found appropriate before the realization of the peace will cause great inconveniences, These untimely attempts lead to the dismissal of people working for the national organization and thus to the undermining of national unity.

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Unemployed, skilled officers can be satisfied by being assigned their ranks to corps-affiliated units, regional and position commanders under corps, and conscription branches. Minor officers and doctors should be sent as soon as possible. As for the 12th Corps, this corps cooperated with the fighting Kuva-yÿ Milliye and a de facto and mutual trust arose between the two sides. The change is absolutely not true. The situation there cannot tolerate such a thing," I said.

Gentlemen, I had drawn their attention on this subject by correspondence with all the commanders in Anatolia and Rumelia. At the beginning of January, he said to Fahrettin Pasha in Konya, as he did to Fuat Pasha in Ankara: "If Nurettin Pasha is appointed, you must continue your national and national duty as before by not giving up the command. Inform us in time" I ordered.

MINISTER OF HARBIYE CEMAL PASHA, IF I DON'T DO WHAT I SAID, I WILL REMOVE AND OPENING THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY WOULD BE AN UNREALIZED DREAM, HE SAYS

Cemal Pasha was Salih Pasha, 8th Corps Commander of the 8th Corps, Salih Bey, who was the head aide-de-camp of the Ministry of War at that time, at the beginning of January, his two letters, attached to these letters, a joint note of the extraordinary representatives of the Entente States dated 24-December 1919 and this He sent the note to Ankara along with a copy of the government's response. In these letters, too, Cemal Pasha mentions his principle regarding the change of command and dismissal arrangements, and the need to ensure that Ahmet Fevzi and Nurettin Pasha, whom he appointed as the commander, go to their positions, and especially: and their official presence gives the appearance of being politically dominant in the army, especially to foreigners, and this is likely to have a bad effect; the Ministry is directly confronted with the actual pressure of these influences. He reiterated that he would resign from his post, and this time, he announced that in this case, the meeting of the National Assembly would be an impossible dream.

Gentlemen, I can summarize my answers regarding this issue as follows: "We reiterate our belief that our views have been correct. We take into account with great interest the present and future situation of the Aydÿn front and region, which is the legacy of Ferit Pasha's mismanagement, and of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye there. We consider the creation of a promising situation for the future. The main condition is to preserve the belief that Ali Fuat Pasha was exempt from all kinds of criticism in the eyes of the state and the nation. The dismissal of those who were thrown forward in any way during the National Struggle and changing their status is interpreted as a crime to make their sacrifices. This situation, in our opinion, which will not change until the end, cannot be considered appropriate." Everything has been done to eliminate the political inconveniences at stake by the government.

Ahmet Fevzi Pasha does not have the ability to cooperate with us. We have reported on the illogical words Ahmet Fevzi Pasha said while he was traveling on a special mission. You ordered me not to expect this from him. In a special coded telegram that Ahmet Fevzi Pasha wrote to his friends, he says: "As long as the army remains in its present anarchic state, disaster is inevitable for the country." This person regards the army's support of the national organization as anarchy. However, it should be known that the army is not outside the staff of the national organization, perhaps it forms its spirit and foundation.

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Ahmet Fevzi Pasha's first ingenuity in Gonen was to demand the release of the bandits who were captured with great difficulty due to the Anzavur incident. Do not raise an issue of dignity against your necessary and rightful opinion that the two persons you have appointed without meeting with us cannot be accepted. This cannot be reconciled with loyalty to the homeland and nation. "If you resign from office, it is understood from your record that the meeting of the Majlis-i Meb'usan will be an impossible dream, and that the entire cabinet, including the Grand Vizier, is against the constitutional administration. It is requested that this point be fully explained and stated."(Documentation) : 217).

ALLIANCE STATES TO THE CABIN OF ALI RIZA PASHA THE COMMON NOTE

Gentlemen, let me talk a little bit about the joint note given to the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha by the extraordinary representatives of the Entente States, which I have informed you that it was sent through Chief Aide Salih. : After drawing the attention of the Ottoman Government to some correspondence between the extraordinary commissioners of France, Great Britain and Italy, the Black Sea Army and its Commander-in-Chief Sir George Milne (Sör Corç Miln) and the Ottoman Minister of War, it is clear from these correspondences that the Minister of War Cemal Pasha, the Black Sea Army. Instead of following the instructions given by the Commander-inChief by following the decisions of the Paris Conference, he avoided the responsibility required by his high duty and put forward some unacceptable excuses and reasons. Extraordinary commissioners, while drawing the attention of the Ottoman State on the dangerous consequences of the War Minister's attitude, would like to know what measures he is considering to take for the implementation of the Conference resolutions announced by the Commander-in-Chief of the Black Sea Army. Extraordinary commissioners say, "In order to enlighten the Supreme Council of the Allies, which learned about the incident, the orders given on behalf of the Supreme Council were not fulfilled by the Minister of War, and the Ottoman government wanted it to report immediately how it was received." Gentlemen, the Ottoman Government, in its reply to this note: "How the occupation of ÿzmir started; how the mixed commission made an investigation and how the people were concerned to protect their lives and honor in the face of Greek ferocity during the time until the investigation; the government and the army have always been at the justice and mercy of the investigative commission. He states that he trusts them and that, in order to quell the bloodshed, at least for now, the Ottoman Ministry of War made an offer to the Gentlemen of General Milne, with a letter dated August 23, 1919. This offer was due to the placement of Ottoman troops between the Greek troops and the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. He states that this proposal is only about the

Then; It is pointed out that "two letters dated 20 and 27 August 1919 regarding the proposal of the occupation of the occupation zone by the Entente troops, as well as by the Greek troops, were also unanswered". After that, touching on the point that the letters of General Milne showing the demarcation determination (3 November 1919) were sent to the Ministry of War, since the Minister of War did not have the sole authority to implement the provisions of such a letter, he applied to the government and the government also stated that It is said that it was reported to the commissioners. He then says that the force that prevented the Greek invasion up to the temporary border line consisted of the mass of the people. Stating that the government and the army are powerless to have a word with the people, and after asking for a just solution to the issue once again, "both the government and the Ministry of War are free of accusations as if they were not implementing the decisions of the Paris Conference.

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The reply letter is ended by adding their high regards to the pleas for "giving up, helping to save by giving grace". Distinguished Sirs, I will now point out the points that Cemal Pasha touched in his letters:

While the Minister of War had us read the notes of the Allied Commissioners, he was repeating and reinforcing the points he wanted to make or prevent us from doing. Would it be right for me to assume that Cemal Pasha, while putting forward and proposing his wishes this time, thought to have an impact on our mood and spiritual power by making this note read?

soon publish a statement After talking promising about the the innovations political tendencies that Wilson of the Cemal Entente Pasha States, can accept "The government within the will framework of its principles. It should not offend the Minister of Internal Affairs, because he will leave. In that case, the government will have a crisis. It is certain that their Minister will be replaced. The enemies want the Assembly not to be opened. In fact, it has been heard that the Society of Enthusiasts, by applying to the Zatishahane and declaring that this Assembly is not legitimate, will demand its dissolution."

THE BLACK SEA COMMANDER OF THE ALLIANCE STATES, THE OTTOMAN STATE'S HARBIYE GIVES DIRECT INSTRUCTIONS AND ORDERS TO HIS NAZIRI

Now, Sirs, let's make a brief comment together by considering these three document texts: We understand from the note of the Commissioners that the Black Sea Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Powers, Mr. He gives instructions as ifand he were ordersunder to George his direct Mi I,command. to the Minister Cema of1War Pasha of the hasOttoman not reported State,this to Cemal to us until Pasha, now.

And again, we understand that the Minister of War of the Ottoman Empire is accused of not being able to carry out the instructions and orders he gave, and of putting forward unacceptable excuses and reasons. We know what the orders of the Minister of War were, and we understand why he could not do it. Because the Kuva-yÿ Milliye is a hindrance... The National Forces, the Minister of War and the government, the Commander-in-Chief, Mr. He does not obey the orders he has given or will give by obeying the orders and instructions of George Mi 1ne. Here, the commissioners do not consider this an acceptable excuse and reason on behalf of the Paris Conference. They mean that if you are the government, if you are the Minister of War, you must dominate your country, nation and army! If you are a judge, the excuses and reasons put forward are not acceptable. Gentlemen, the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha took office on October 2, 1919. Before ten, there was the Ferit Pasha Cabinet. Accordingly, it was the Ferit Pasha Cabinet that made the proposal on 23 August 1919 regarding the placement of Ottoman troops between the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and the Greek troops. The Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha has not yet put forward a proposal. However, despite this, Commander-inChief ,Milne the border of the whereenter the enemies enterThis on November 3,that 1919 and orders Cemadraws 1 Pasha to ensure thatregion the Greeks until thiswill border. is the order Cema 1 Pasha could not fulfill. It is commendable that both he and his cabinet were able to tell the foreign commissioners that they were powerless against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye a month after they finally took office.

Gentlemen, the most important and most meaningful point to be understood from these documents is that, while the cabinet's response to the joint note, the points put forward by the commissioners were answered with great humility and grace, an issue was never taken into account. Room,

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Lords; Mr. This is because George Mine was giving orders and instructions directly to the Minister of War of the Ottoman State. This situation does not affect the honor and dignity of the Minister of War, who raised honor issues against the national organization, or the cabinet, which took on the responsibility of protecting the independence of the Ottoman Empire. They do not want to realize that this situation has already damaged their dignity and the independence of the state. At least they're not protesting. At least, they do not dare to cry out that we cannot mediate this attack and rape that hit your independence... They do not dare, Masters, because they are afraid. Indeed, what they feared came to pass. We will see this soon. In order not to be afraid, it is necessary to be in an environment and conditions where human dignity and national pride cannot be attacked. The fact that those who do not value this can actually be protected for a person, for a nation, without being attacked, gives the right to the judgment that they are already disrespectful and callous on sacred concepts, which are the biggest debt of honor.

NATIONAL AND GOVERNMENT AFFAIRS CANNOT BE SEEN BY BEgging for mercy and compassion.

Nation and state affairs cannot be seen by begging for mercy and compassion. The honor and independence of the nation and state cannot be protected.

"There is no principle of being fair and compassionate. The Turkish nation, the future children of Turkey, should not forget this for a moment". Gentlemen, I have informed you about the answer we gave to Cemal Pasha about the change of command. Let me summarize our views on other points that form the beginning of that answer:

Our views on the key points were: 1- Each of the Allied Powers seeks to derive their greatest interests from the whole of Turkey. This makes it necessary to obtain a reliable foothold in Turkey. The reason for the overt dissent and discontent of foreigners must be sought in the impartiality of the cabinet.

2 - The cabinet should not be hasty in issuing a statement. The statement should be published after the cabinet has consolidated its status. The strength of the cabinet depends on adopting a style of behavior that will give the belief that it is based on the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and showing it to the whole world.

After the assembly convenes and a strong "Defence-i Law Society Group" has formed there, it may be time for the declaration. The statement should in any case be drafted before the delegates to the Peace Conference depart, but in agreement with the group. Because otherwise, it would have no significance or value. Also, it is not right to start with announcing the innovations that will be accepted. On the contrary, it would be appropriate to determine the main lines of government affairs, starting from the independence of the nation and the integrity of the country and only on condition that this is achieved.

The important points that will be the basis of this paper are included in the notices and bylaws of the Sivas Gene1 Congress. There, the future borders, the independence of the state and the nation, the rights of minorities, how foreign protection is met by the nation are explained. Such a statement is prepared in advance and announced after discussion with the majority group at the opening of the Assembly. This is the appropriate one.

3 - With the retirement of the Minister of Internal Affairs, there is no reason for a crisis to arise in the cabinet. It follows from such a thought that you accept the Minister of Internal Affairs as the grand vizier. A

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A crisis in the cabinet can only arise with the resignation of the head of government. It is understood that the cabinet was attached to the Minister of Internal Affairs, ÿerif Pasha, and he was affiliated to Ferid Pasha.

After the assembly was opened, we could not understand the sign that the Ministers of Internal Affairs and Foreign Affairs would be changed for sure. Have these overseers already made such a promise? It is natural that the enemies will not want to have the Assembly opened. However, is it possible to consider the possibility of the Sultan's dissolution of the Assembly? If there is such a possibility, then are we gathering the Assembly to dissolve it in Istanbul and leave the nation without a Assembly? In this respect, the views of the Sultan on this issue must be known by our committee in advance, so that we can make attempts to gather the deputies in a safe place outside of Istanbul. Otherwise, if the Assembly falls into the above-mentioned situations due to meeting in Istanbul, the responsibility for this will belong to those who insistently want it to convene in Istanbul.

4 - It is beneficial for the deputies to come to Ankara to hold talks.

THE CONFERENCE I GAVE TO MEET WITH THE PEOPLE OF ANKARA

Gentlemen, it was a duty to get to know the people of Ankara, who welcomed me with sincere, bright and reassuring feelings, and to meet with them. That's why I gave a conference to the esteemed people of Ankara, who had gathered during the days when we were waiting for the brides of the deputies we invited to meet (Document: 220).

Let me briefly talk about the main points of this conference: Wilson principles: There were 14 of these principles that were related to Turkey. The Ottoman State, which had already been defeated and signed the Armistice Agreement, lingered for a while with the heart-pleasing and deceptive view of these principles. The articles of the Armistice of Mondoros signed on October 30, 1918, and especially the seventh among these, was a poison from the fire that burned the brain. This article alone was enough to keep the rest of the country ready for the invasion and invasion of the enemies. Successive cabinets in Istanbul, which were formed from helpless people, were recognized with their dishonorable, dishonorable and despicable appearance as the symbol of a nation that was innocent and relied on God; began to be deemed worthy of consideration. That's why the civilized states of the world have been so disrespectful to forget the requirements of civilization. All along, the most illogical propaganda made against the Turkish nation all over the world has been found worth listening to more than ever.

The national awakening and activity that has started since nine months has changed the situation and the outlook and will change much more. If the nation protects the established unity and does not hesitate to sacrifice for its independence, success is certain. The decisions taken in Erzurum and Sivas Congresses form the basis of the goals that the nation will achieve. It is the nation that overthrown the Ferit Pasha Cabinet. However, the responsibility of bringing the Ali Rÿza Pasha Cabinet to power does not belong to the nation. However, we are in agreement.

CONTACTS I MADE WITH THE DEPUTS COMING TO ANKARA

Gentlemen, now let's come to the contacts and meetings with the deputies who came to Ankara:

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The deputies could not be found en masse on the same day or days. They came and went one by one or in small groups. We had to repeat the same basic points to each of these individuals or delegations one after the other for days.

First of all, it is essential to keep the spiritual power, the power of heart and conscience high. You know this. In order to increase this power, we: First of all, we tried to explain and prove by researching the points and aspects of the internal and external level that are reassuring and refreshing. Then we tirelessly repeated the fact that conscious and determined unity around a certain purpose is an unshakable force. We have explained that the survival and happiness of a society depends only on full unity in its aims and realization of its aims. We said that our national unity, which is oriented towards the goal of "the liberation of the homeland and the acquisition of independence", depends on the existence of a well-established and orderly organization and the ability of talented minds and energies to run and manage this organization well, united and fused into a single brain and a single energy. For this reason, we put forward the necessity of establishing a strong and solidarity group in the Meb'usan, which will be opened in Istanbul.

The nation was going through very important and dangerous moments that history recorded only in times of crisis such as the collapse and collapse of states. At such moments, the future of nations that are negligent in taking their fortunes and destiny directly into their own hands is full of darkness and disasters. The Turkish nation began to understand this fact. It was the result of this realization that he was running towards every sincere sign that offered hope of salvation. However,,it the is not effects correct of long to think centuries and accept of drug that administration a society canand be freed discipline fromin a day or a year.

For this reason, those who know the situation and the truth should consider it their greatest human duty to lead the nation to which they belong, by guiding it and guiding it to the goal of salvation as much as they can.

THE MOST CLEAR WISH AND BELIEF OF THE TURKISH NATION: KURTULUS

Born and inspired by the heart and conscience of the Turkish nation, the deepest and most obvious wish and belief became clear: Liberation... This cry of liberation echoed in all the horizons of the Turkish homeland. There was no need to wait for another explanation from the people. Now it was easy to express that wish. As a matter of fact, in Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, the national will was clearly expressed and expressed. The people who were elected as deputies by the nation because they declared that they were loyal to the decisions taken in these congresses were, first of all, the founders of a group consisting of people who were loyal to these decisions and bearing the name that indicates that they were related to the association that announced these decisions: "The Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti Grubu"... That's it. Relying on the national organization and therefore the nation, the group would boldly articulate and defend the sacred aims of the nation wherever it may be.

MÿSAK-I NATIONAL IS PREPARED

Gentlemen, the collective expression of the nation's aspirations and goals, which would form the basis of a short program, was also discussed. The first drafts of this program, called Misak-ÿ Milli, are also intended to give an idea.

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was written for the purpose. These principles were written and determined collectively in the Istanbul Assembly.

Gentlemen, each or every person we interviewed left by agreeing with us in their thoughts and opinions. However, we have not heard of the establishment of a group called "Defence-i Hukuk Cemiyeti Group" in the Istanbul Assembly. steep. Why?! Yes, why? I would like an answer to this today! Because, Masters, the masters who had a duty of conscience and a national debt to establish this group were unbelieving... they were cowards... they were ignorant... They were faithless; because they did not believe in the seriousness and certainty of the national cause and the soundness of the national organization on which it was based. They were cowards; because they considered it dangerous to be a member of the national organization.

They were ignorant; because they could not appreciate that the only basis of salvation was and will be the nation. By flattering the Sultan, appearing nice to strangers, acting softly and kindly, they were showing their negligence that great goals could be achieved.

THE HONOR AND PRESENCE OF THE NATIONAL IDEAS AND THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN A SHORT TIME CONDITIONERS

Moreover, the Masters were ungrateful and selfish. They belittled the honor and existence that the national ideal and national organization provided in a short time. They fell in love with satisfying their ugly pride by being swayed by the assumption and delusion that the situation and existence that had emerged were easily obtained... Wouldn't it be too small to accept a name that was said and determined in Erzurum and Sivas as it is?! Was there no more meaningful name than that name?! Yes, we have heard, Lords; there was: "Fellâh-ÿ Vatan Group" Gentlemen, I am determined to determine the stages and events of the past within the framework that I can describe here, in accordance with the truth. For this reason, I will present a subject related to the point we are focusing on, with great sincerity, for your information. THOUGHT TO MEET IN ANKARA

I was definitely expecting that the Parliament would be attacked and dispersed in Istanbul. I had decided on the measures to be taken in such a situation. Our preparations and necessary arrangements had also begun: Gathering in Ankara...

While I was doing this duty, I also thought of something as a precaution in order not to cause misunderstanding by the nation: to be elected to the Presidency of the Parliament. What I expected from this was to invite the dispersed deputies again with the title and authority of the Speaker of the Parliament. This precaution, however, could only work temporarily and to save the appearance. However, in such depressive times, taking all kinds of precautions, even if the benefit was temporary, could not be considered superfluous. . . I really wasn't going to go to Istanbul. But without revealing this, it would buy time and the Assembly would be administered through the vice presidents, with the situation arranged as if I had been away for a while.

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The implementation of this measure would, of course, be possible with the help and efforts of friends who went to the Assembly and should have understood the real situation. Gentlemen, I have opened this matter to those who need it. They found my thoughts and opinions appropriate. They went to Istanbul by promising and assuring that they would work on this road. However, I learned that few, perhaps one or two friends, did not even mention the idea.

The prevailing thought and logic on this issue was this: Is there not even a man worthy of being the Speaker of the Assembly among all these deputies, that we will elect a deputy who is not in the Assembly as the president in his absence... Showing the esteemed members of the assembly so inadequate will not have a bad effect on foreigners. is it?

Another rationale is to elect the Chairman of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye to the Presidency of the Assembly and to give an opportunity to attract suspicion and attack on the Assembly from the very first day. This cannot be wise. Those who see that those who think and reason like this are not people who are far from me, preferred to remain silent...

Gentlemen, I must confess that the failure to take this measure has compared me with little difficulty after the Assembly was dissolved. I will present this point for your information when the time comes.

ALI AGAINST THE PROPOSAL TO BE SUSPENDED OF THE MINISTER OF Harbiye Cemal Pasha RIZA PASHA CABINET

Gentlemen, Parliament was opened on January 12, 1920. About ten days later, I received the Minister of War's telegram dated 21 January 1920. I present it to you as it is: Delay requires responsibility. Harbiye, 21.l.1920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara:

In a note they gave to the government, the British demanded that I and Cevat Pasha resign from office. Even though there was a strong refusal by the cabinet, the situation required that the cabinet stay in place and that only me and Cevat Pasha should withdraw. Salih Pasha will deputize for the Ministry of War. I request you not to act in a way that will put the cabinet in a difficult position. Otherwise, the situation will be more dangerous than you can imagine.

Minister of War Cemal This telegram was received on January 22nd. Right at the beginning of the telegram, at 11.30 am I wrote the following telegram: To His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, 22.1.1920 1 - Could you please kindly pass on the note given? 2 - Do not rush to fulfill the offer. After reviewing the note, I will present our views.

Mustafa Kemal The response of Cemal Pasha by hiding his signature was as follows: Very urgent Kadÿköy, 22.1.1920

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to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha: Here is an abbreviated copy of the note: 1 - Sending specially selected officers to the staff of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, 2 - Sending soldiers to the Kuva-yÿ Milliye by demobilizing some of the soldiers from the 14th Corps,

3 - Missing the ball wedge and other material, 4 - Delaying the return of the battalion from Zonguldak to Istanbul, 5 - Transfer of regiments from Afyonkarahisar to Alaÿehir, 6 - To transfer a regiment from Bursa to Bandÿrma, 7 - It has been understood that the Minister of War and the Chief of General Staff have personal roles in these affairs. Suspension of these two persons from their duties within forty-eight hours. If you pay attention, the issue of the Aydÿn front is not even mentioned in this note. In response to this note: "Items one, two, and three are lies. The subject of the fourth article is not in my time. I sent it back upon their application. I changed the commander of the turrian in the matter of the fifth article. The subject of Ahmet Anzavur in the sixth article is also about security. Our correspondence on this subject Now, if the files are examined, it will be understood." They did not accept. Thereupon, three options were emphasized: not responding to the note after the first reply and ignoring its provisions, dismissal of the cabinet altogether, my resignation. If the first option was applied, it would be feared that a disgrace would occur here. If the second option was accepted, it was thought that what they wanted would be done and Ferit Pasha would become the head of the cabinet. In this respect, it was preferred that I resign and the Ministry be administered by proxy. In any case, I request that your decision be notified to me first, and I offer my best regards to you, sir (Ferik Cemal),

What does Chief Adjutant Salih Cemal Pasha mean by pointing out that the Aydÿn front is not mentioned in this note? There is no doubt that what is in question is the Aydÿn front, helping it and the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. However, Cemal Pasha is fond of indirectly explaining that the Committee of Representatives caused all this.

In my reply to Cemal Pasha in response to this telegram, I gave the following order: To His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, 22.1.1920 Complying with the wishes of the British by resigning creates such a dangerous situation that the danger you think will arise by not resigning is more serious. Moreover, it is unacceptable for you to withdraw without the knowledge of their own states, which are the representatives of the Representative Committee, and by not complying with its opinion. Even the possibility that the British might force you out of office was taken into account in our opinion and measures were taken immediately. According to this situation, it is your firm wish to first report the note as it is, then give information about the situation and wait for our decision and stay on your duty with unwavering endurance. On behalf of the Representative Committee, I wrote the following telegram to Mustafa Kemal Ali Rÿza Pasha:

Ankara, 22.1.1920 To His Highness the Grand Vizier

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The British's request for the replacement of the Minister of War and the Chief of the General Staff is a definite violation of the political independence of the state. Is this encroachment a result of the fact that the ongoing debates in the world public opinion have for some time come to an end on the way to the division of our homeland and the destruction of our political existence? Or is it an attempt to understand what will be the result of attempts to destroy our political existence? Or is it an act of using influence alone, without the need to take each other's consent and decision, as the Entente States are used to? We do not and cannot have the information to distinguish them. Again, we cannot predict the degree of relation between the attacks of the Greeks on the Salihli front and these attempts. However, we have no doubt that if the state does not speak out against this open encroachment against our political independence, and if we remain silent as a nation, we will ourselves be causing the worst decisions and practices against our political existence. In this respect, whatever the form and extent of the attacks that the British might carry out in Istanbul, we definitely want the government, which is known to be based on the "Defense of Law Society," both inside and outside, to strongly reject this offer, and to leave the Nazir and the Chief of General Staff in their places. Apart from this, a docility to be shown not only contradicts the independence and existence of the nation, but also puts the government in a situation that has reneged on its promise against the nation and delayed and strengthened our national struggle for independence. In this respect, even if the Government has accepted it, we are compelled to declare that the Government has completely lost the power it has taken from the nation by not fulfilling the duty it has undertaken against our Delegation, and that we consider the Government responsible for its attitudes and actions that endanger our independence. In the face of the government's resistance, even if the British resorted to forcibly dismissing the Minister of War and overthrowing the entire government, this situation would be more favorable than sacrificing the Nazir on their orders, both outside and inside. We would like you, the Grand Vizier, to respond within an hour or two on the development of the situation. If communication with Istanbul is blocked by the British, we will proceed on the path of declaring a national and religious jihad for the sake of national independence.

On behalf of the Anatolian and Rumelia Defense Committee, Mustafa Kemal I wrote the following telegram to Cema 1 Pasha that day:

Personal, very urgent 22.1.1920 To His Excellency the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha It is understood that they left the Ministry of War on the orders of the British. It is your and our duty not to accept this withdrawal situation, which jeopardizes the independence of our state and nation, no matter what. We take every precaution to fulfill our duty to the end. We invite you to fulfill your duty by sitting in your office and carrying out your ministry. If you do not want to stay for a personal reason or for any other reason, if you leave not on the note of the British, but in a manner worthy of the minister of a free nation. Withdrawing from the Ministry in this way would facilitate British intervention and jeopardize national independence. If you insist on not taking office, while declaring that the British have violated the independence of the nation, failing to fulfill the patriotic duty of the Minister of War. We have to add, with heavy language, that he is responsible for The fact that you report what is written in the note a day later and now you are far from being able to communicate with our Hey'et aggravates the situation. We hope and ask you to reply.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal The following correspondence was made with the Grand Vizier at the beginning of the telegram:

Sublime Porte, 22.1.1920 to the Representative Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association

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The withdrawal of the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, from the cabinet and the replacement of the Chief of the General Staff, Cevat Pasha, were not only requested by the British. The British, Italian and French representatives gave a joint ultimatum to the Sublime Porte and demanded that this demand be fulfilled within forty-eight hours, giving reasons. In the face of this heavy offer, the cabinet decided to withdraw altogether, after long discussions that discussed the situation in detail. If the Majlis-i Meb'usan had convened, it would have been possible to act differently in the cabinet. Necessary attempts were made by the three state representatives to have their bids withdrawn, by refuting the reasons they put forward. The representatives resisted their demands. While the resignation of the cabinet was finalized, Cemal Pasha stated that the resignation of the cabinet, at a time when the Parliament could not start negotiations yet, would be against the high interests of the homeland, and that the resignation of the cabinet in such a depressed time was as far as separating Istanbul from Anatolia. arguing that it would have dangerous consequences, preferred that the matter be resolved with his resignation. This is all about the development stages of the issue. Since the Assembly of the Parliament has been convened with a majority in a day or two at the latest, the government will reveal all the problems to the Assembly. No attempt should be made by your side in this regard. Because the speaker is the Majlis-i Meb'usan. Since the ministers understood the gravity of the situation and believed that what they were doing was right, they chose the least harmful one. It is reported that the interventions will be stopped, if not notified by Saturday morning, the cabinet will be withdrawn from power and the responsibility for the events arising from this will not be his own. (Grand vizier) Gentlemen, Grand Vizier Pasha gives us a terrible ultimatum, not the one who insults them. Congress to His Excellency the Grand Vizier Pasha, 22.1.1920 In order to take a decision by the Representative Committee on the telegrams of high personalities, first of all, there is a definite need for the copy of the ultimatum to be known as it is. I kindly request and request that this be reported. On behalf of the Committee of Representatives, Mustafa Kemal Erenköy, 22/23.l.1920 To the Committee of Defense of Anatolia and Rumelia Committee C : It will be notified after discussion.

Grand Vizier Ali Rÿza I must say here that the government did not want and did not give us a copy of this note as it is. My reply to the Grand Vizier is this: We will test the final decision after seeing the 22.1.1920 ultimatum copy of His Highness the Grand Vizier. However, there is a difference of opinion between us and the government on the principles on which the situation is evaluated. We want to eliminate it first. The government accepted the issues we presented as an intervention in its own affairs, that is, it left aside the external interventions and thought that it was facing an internal issue. It is necessary to consider the case only in terms of foreigners' ability to replace an overseer. Moreover, the person of the Minister of War is not in question here. Had another minister or other person been present in the same situation, the event would have been interpreted in this way. On the other hand, it is not clear at the moment whether the force ordering the replacement of the minister will allow the Assembly to convene and take a decision after the government's statement. It is accepted that if the fait accomplis chase each other and the measures appropriate to the nature of external events are delayed, the responsibility arising from this will not belong to our committee before the Parliament has a say. If the Majlis-i Meb'usan really convenes and starts working, it is natural that we will not be able to apply to the government for anything. The fact that not only the British but also the Allied Powers gave the note together is another reason to grasp the importance of this issue. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Cemal Pasha, in his response to our last telegram on 23/24 January, was talking about the necessity of his withdrawal and the need to wait for the behavior of the National Assembly (Document: 221).

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Gentlemen, at noon on the same day, the commanders in Ankara, Erzurum, Sivas, Diyarbakÿr, Bandÿrma, Balÿkesir, Konya, Edirne, Istanbul and Bursa were informed of our situation and opinion, and their attention was drawn and their thoughts were asked (Document: 222). Also to Kemalettin Sami Bey, Commander of the 10th Caucasian Division in Istanbul (Berlin Ambassador Kemalettin Sami Pasha), I also gave the following order: We request you to find Rauf Bey immediately to the Command of the 10th Caucasian Division 22.l.1920 and follow the situation together and by taking security measures. It would certainly not be right to comply with the wishes of the British. In this regard, urgent measures were taken here. You must secure the telegraph communications in Istanbul (Document: 223). I delivered the following notification to the masters, Rauf Bey, Bekir Sami, Cami Bey, and all deputies by means of Caucasian Division Commander Kemal, Fortified Area Commander ÿevket, and War Ministry Chief Aide-de-camp Salih Bey via coded telegram:

22.1.1920 The British demanded that the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, and the Chief of the General Staff, Cevat Pasha, be resigned. This attempt is a decisive move towards abolishing the independence of the state. In that case, the nation's reaction and actions against this attempt are in the nature of a holy struggle for the protection of independence. In the first step of this struggle, the duty belongs to the representatives of the nation. The deputies must absolutely and immediately reject the encroachments of the British against the political independence of the state, by interfering and influencing the situation of the cabinet members, both internally and externally. Decide how to do this and report it here. However, in practice, the following points must be fulfilled: First, the possibility of a sudden reading of a will in the Assembly regarding the dissolution of the Assembly should not be faced. If the realization of this possibility cannot be prevented, it is sufficient for the deputies to continue their work in special meetings. Secondly, it is necessary to declare to the Peace Conference, to the European nations, to the Islamic world and to every part of the country, that a decisive intervention has been made against the political independence of the state. If the encroachment of the British is not taken back, the duty of the Assembly is to pass to Anatolia and take over the administration of the nation. This movement will be supported in every way by the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, which has gathered the power of the whole nation in its own existence. Necessary measures have already been taken.

Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Committee of Representatives A copy of this communiqué was sent to all commanders. Gentlemen, I also wrote to Rauf Bey on January 23, 1920, through the Commander of the 10th Caucasian Division, that I said, "Although the resignation of the Minister of War is a fait accompli, the importance of the work continues." The representatives of the Allied Powers were taking the path of forming the government as they wished. Such an example paved the way for them to act in the same way against a government to which the Assembly would give a vote of confidence tomorrow. The government's submission to this, without informing the nation and the press, and without resorting to a wholesale withdrawal, put the nation's independence in jeopardy. It was necessary not to close the incident and to overthrow the government openly on the grounds that the nation could not protect its independence in the Majlis-i Meb'usan. Here, I wrote all this to Rauf Bey (Document: 224).

On the same date, I gave the following joint instruction to the Commander of the 10th Caucasian Division and Rauf Bey: Resisting not to accept the Government's proposals from the representatives of the Allied Powers; Peace It should compel the conference to announce against the whole world that the Allies have decided to overthrow the Turkish government because of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. The cabinet's insensitive sacrifice of national independence, as in previous cabinets, has once again clearly shown that it is powerless in terms of its own authority and that it is never reassuring in terms of understanding and understanding. It is no longer possible to try to solve such difficult problems with people who are so weak in terms of character and mentality. In this regard, the cabinet

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so it should be lowered. Work towards the coming to power of a cabinet worthy of the trust of the whole nation (Document 225).

DECISION ON THE ARREST OF FOREIGN OFFICERS IN ANATOLIA

Gentlemen, I have decided to arrest the foreign officers in Anatolia, in case the foreigners increase their attacks in Istanbul and arrest some of the ministers or deputies. On January 22, 1920, I ordered the corps commanders in Ankara, Konya, Sivas and Erzurum to take this decision and the need to take measures accordingly "personally" with a code (Document: 226).

Gentlemen, the telegram I wrote to the deputies was answered with, the joint signature of Vasÿf and Rauf Bekir Sami Beyler. In this answer: When the parliament officially starts working, the cabinet will be withdrawn due to the issue in question. Until then, the cabinet must remain at work for the safety of the situation. Do not attempt and do not interfere. Let us know your orders. It was stated that you have confidence that your views will be duly defended in front of every authority (Document: 227).

I decided not to write anything to the Government or the Parliament, and left the job to our esteemed deputies (Document: 228). Gentlemen, let me present the following brief information in order to indicate what recommendations the people in Istanbul adjusted their actions: He was a political representative, very honest and truthful, and a Turkish friend. This person, in a very sincere and touching language, said, "If the Minister of War and Cevat Pasha had not withdrawn, the Ministry of War would have been occupied: The silence and determined attitude of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye drives some people crazy. But do not rush, you will be crushed. Trust me. If there is an insult, those who did it should be ashamed. Maybe there will be other madness. But don't be crazy." People in Istanbul were saying that we do not doubt that these words were spoken sincerely (Document: 229).

IT LOOKS IMMEDIATELY TO BE ELECTED AS PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY

One week after the gentlemen and the deputies met in Istanbul, they started negotiations on the election of the Presidency Council and therefore the Speaker of the Assembly. I have pointed out in one place that I considered being elected Speaker of the Assembly a necessary precaution due to some of its benefits, and I had informed the people who needed it, my thoughts on this matter. As I have presented, in the days when the discussion on this issue started, in the articles sent by Rauf Bey on January 28, 1920 and February 1, 1920, after some opinions, it is said that "we give up on raising this issue, which will cause great inconvenience" (Document: 230) and "...it was mentioned again in a private secret meeting. Mr. ÿeref explained the benefits of your election. . . We have been told that you have already chosen to remain at the head of the nation as the guardian of the National Assembly, as it was felt again that the votes would be dispersed during the election. It was seen that there were sincere demonstrations of applause about your high personality. In the general meeting, Reÿat Hikmet Bey was elected as the Speaker of the Assembly, Hüseyin Kâzÿm Bey was elected as the first and Hodja Abdülaziz Mecdi Efendi was elected as the second vice president. Gentlemen, it is only ÿeref Bey who put forward my presidency. At the meeting, which is reported to have been held in secret, it is not even tacitly stated for what purpose my election to the presidency was mentioned by other persons. First, on serious grounds

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They should have claimed my presidency. After that, they had to examine whether the votes would be dispersed. However, after ÿeref Bey's speech, it might not have been right to reach a decision on which side the votes would go. Gentlemen, in my reply to Rauf Bey's statement on the presidency, I said: "The objections put forward are things that have been thought through before. The reasons that necessitate my presidency are clear. These are to show that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye is accepted by the people, to carry out their duties safely, to make a national uprising against an offer of peace that is incompatible with our national existence, to put the material and spiritual forces of the nation on the defensive as the head of the Assembly. From your words, it is understood that these defenserelated situations are not considered important by the Istanbul environment today. If there are problems in the defense of the homeland and nation today and tomorrow due to dishonesty in views, the responsibility falls on those who made this mistake. There is no need to be assured that these are not related to my personal wishes." Gentlemen, we know that the Minister of War and the Chief of the General Staff were forcibly removed. We had heard that the late Reÿat Hikmet Bey, who was elected as the Speaker of the Assembly, was arrested by foreigners for a fabricated reason. It was stated in Rauf Bey's letter dated 28 January 1920 that the arrest of the members of the Representative Committee in Istanbul was being considered. Among these situations, it was clear that the opposition to the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, the possibility of dissolution of the Assembly, and therefore the time to go to the defense of the nation was getting closer. But few could sense this fact. Gentlemen, it was necessary to work from Ankara in order to save Reÿat Hikmet Bey (Document: 231).

There were some alarming sentences in Rauf Bey's encrypted telegram dated 27 January 1920, describing the situation in the Assembly. For example, the cabinet initially considered withdrawing, but did not. The current situation of the Assembly is not suitable for resolving this matter. The deputies here do not even have the courage to read the telegrams sent by the nation regarding the Maraÿ region in the general assembly. They advise us to act in accordance with the wishes of so-and-so from the Allies. We have no place to gather (Document: 232, 233).

In a letter we sent to Mr. Rauf on February 7, 1920, we conveyed our thoughts: The deputies, caught in the internal and external influences in Istanbul, neglected the aim of seeking peace and fell into conflict due to slavery, greed for position, jealousy, delusion, etc. Our friends have constantly sacrificed their own thoughts and beliefs in order to gain a majority that includes a large number of deputies, and they have completely lost their influence on the government and known circles due to the desire to be docile. If this behavior is continued with the fear of not creating incompatibility, it is feared that it will not be prevented from making decisions against national issues, of being used for purposes and all kinds of passions contrary to the national cause. The precaution to be taken against this situation is this: To be content with a group of friends who are committed to our principles in every way, even if they are in the minority. . . The downside to this is less than tameness. It is absolutely necessary to overthrow the government and go into a decisive struggle (Document: 234).

THE NEED TO DECLINE THE GOVERNMENT AND GO TO THE FINAL STATUS STATUS

Gentlemen, the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha was not planted, and the Assembly, avoiding causing a problem, could not take the path of overthrowing it and gave a vote of confidence to the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha, whose members were changed. Do you remember, I do not know, the government program read by the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha before the Assembly? In this program:

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Grand Vizier Pasha takes his most important task as a prelude to his words; He said that he had succeeded in resolving the disagreement between the Istanbul Government and Anatolia, which led to the loss of communication, that the national will would be manifested in the Supreme Assembly from now on, and that he no longer envisaged an obstacle to the full compliance with the principles of constitutionalism. Gentlemen, with these words, it is intended to imply that there is no place for the Delegation of Representatives to act in the name of the national will and to prevent actions in accordance with the principles of constitutionalism. Just yesterday, when the National Assembly was convening in Istanbul, the grand vizier, who did not feel the need to explain how severe an attack they and the Assembly and the nation had been subjected to, contrary to the national will and international rules, still called the Heyet-i Temsiliye. He is trying to save his situation by journaling, and our esteemed deputies can listen to these words with great silence.

After stating once again that it does not and will not leave its neutrality towards the political groups, the government leaves it to the Parliament to evaluate the degree of success it has achieved so far. The Grand Vizier, saying that the state administration needs to be corrected, promises that new corrections will be made to the world by reviving the old policy of the Ottoman Empire, which it resorted to when faced with every foreign state pressure: "We will expand the privileges of foreigners. We will apply proportional representation management to protect the rights of minorities. We will give foreigners sufficient control authority in justice, finance, public works and security affairs, and even in civil administration," he says, counting the principles of the amendments they think. While talking about foreign affairs, Grand Vizier Pasha made the commitment that "it is deemed necessary by the government not to deviate from the provisions of the Armistice Agreement", he is content with saying "The only thing that will put an end to the conflict and confusion caused by the occupation of ÿzmir is peace"; He concludes his program by stating that he has full belief that determination and foresight will overcome difficulties (Document: 235).

ALI RIZA PASHA AND THE INSIDE OF THE CABINET

Gentlemen, I consider it unnecessary to waste time here by analyzing and interpreting this program, which was accepted by the Parliament. Only Gentlemen, I would like to ask your permission to present a document showing the inside and shamelessness of Grand Vizier Ali Rÿza Pasha and his cabinet for your information:

Very urgent Istanbul, 14.02.1920 Governorships and Independent Sanjaks As stated in one of the important points of the program, which was read in the Parliament and was accepted by a large majority and ensured a vote of confidence in the government, it is the only place of manifestation of all kinds of national states. Now that the General Assembly of the Assembly, which is the parliament, has gathered and started to work, thank God, there is no longer any reason and opportunity to speak on behalf of the national will and to put forward demands in our country, where the principles of constitutionalism should come into effect without any obstacles and influences, It is announced that all kinds of activities and actions in the form of intervention in government affairs will be punished. ( Grand Vizier Ali Riza ) Gentlemen, what was the need for such a circular? What was the use of humiliating the Hey'et-i Temsiliye in the eyes of the people and mentioning that it could be punished? If the Representative Committee from time to time deemed it necessary to attract the attention of the government, could it still be doubted how pure and high-minded this act was, and to what extent it was made because of patriotic necessities? The government, which accepts the Delegation of Representatives, and therefore the destruction of the unity and solidarity of the nation, as its main goal, has led the way in Aydÿn, Adana, Maraÿ, Urfa.

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He never seemed to be moved by the ongoing battles on the Antep fronts. He did not regret the pressure of foreign states directly on his own cabinets. I should also clearly state that the Milli Majlis, which should be the only place where all kinds of national causes emerged, unfortunately, was not yet seen when the Grand Vizier Pasha started to work, as he said with gratitude to God.

Gentlemen, upon this circular of the Grand Vizier, we found it necessary to draw the attention of the nation with the following circular.

Circular 17.2.1920 One of the most important and primary duties of our Association, which was able to prove national sovereignty by opening the Parliament, the place where the national will manifests its existence as a law,3 is to protect national unity until a peace is made within the framework of principles appropriate to the national cause. Our society, bearing every hardship, is proud of its homeland and nation. It is imperative that the liberatory efforts to protect the existence continue with greater determination and faith until the national goal is realized. In this regard, we request once again from all central and administrative committees that the national organization, which is based on the life and survival of the nation, takes root widely and widely in every corner of the country and continues as before. Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Representative Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association

DECEPTIONAL PROMISES, HEAVY CONFESSIONS

Gentlemen, in the letter dated 19 February 1920 sent from Istanbul, "In the verbal notification sent from the British Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the political representation in Istanbul and officially made to the government by the political representation, it was stated that the capital of the sultanate was left in the Ottoman Empire; however, the Armenian massacre It was demanded that our attitude towards the Greeks and the forces of all Entente Powers be changed; otherwise, it was also stated that it was possible to change the terms of peace” and it was recommended that some issues, especially “not even the smallest incidents that would cause a complaint, should be allowed”.

Gentlemen, what could be the meaning and purpose behind this verbal promise? Apart from the homeland occupied by the Greeks, the French and others, it was also decided to take Istanbul. However, it was meant to be said that if the proposed condition is complied with, would we give up on taking Istanbul? Otherwise, the occupations of the Greeks, French and Italians were temporary anyway, was it meant that the Entente Powers would only take Istanbul, but if we abide by the condition they offered, they would leave it too?

Or, since the Masters understood very well that the Istanbul Government would not be able to break the fronts established by the Allied Forces Kuva-yÿ Milliye in the occupied regions against the occupation forces and to stop the wars and movements they waged, Did they intend to invade Istanbul, too, on the pretext that the attack could not be prevented and the Armenian massacre, which had no origin, was not put an end to?

Subsequent events have shown this last guess to be correct, I think. However, it was seen that the Istanbul Government did not want to make such an interpretation from the offer of the British representation, but rather was hopeful. Gentlemen, in order to give an idea of how unfounded the proposal was, let us recall some situations related to those days. It should not be doubted that the Armenian massacre

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The words about it were not true. On the contrary, in the southern regions, the Armenians, who were armed by the foreign powers, were attacking the Muslims in the places they were in, taking the courage of the protection they saw. With the idea of revenge, they were pursuing a policy of ruthless killing and destruction everywhere. This is why the disastrous event in Maraÿ broke out. The Armenians, who united with the foreign forces, had destroyed an old Muslim city like Maraÿ with artillery and machine guns. Thousands of helpless and innocent mothers and children were tortured to death. It was the Armenians who committed this atrocity, which was unprecedented in history. The Muslims resisted and defended themselves only to protect their honor and lives. In the Maraÿ massacre that lasted for twenty days, the telegram sent by the Americans, who stayed in the city with the Muslims, to their representatives in Istanbul about this event, revealed in an undeniable way those who created this disaster.

The Muslims in Adana were in danger of being killed every minute under the pressure of the bayonets of the Armenians, who were armed from head to toe. While this policy of oppression and destruction against Muslims, who wanted nothing more than the protection of their lives and independence, was such that it would attract the attention of civilized humanity and bring them to mercy, how could an offer to ask it to be abandoned by claiming that it was done to the contrary could be taken seriously?

Wasn't the situation around ÿzmir and Aydÿn similar and perhaps even more pathetic? The Greeks are increasing their strength and means every day and; They were making preparations for the offensive. On the other hand, they did not hesitate to attack here and there. In those days, it was understood that an infantry regiment, a fully equipped cavalry regiment, and twenty-four freight cars, a large number of transport cars, six cannons and many war materials, and a large amount of ammunition were being sent to the fronts. The truth was that our nation had never attacked any foreigner for no reason.

In the face of this situation, was it wise to place too much value on deceitful words, without seeing, or at least having full confidence in the withdrawal, of the enemies from the occupied parts of our homeland? Was there any difficulty in understanding such proposals and attempts aimed at dismantling the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, which remained the only pillar of the country's destiny? For the sake of doubt and uncertainty of the future, would it be right to give up the national cause right away? Wasn't it our national goal that not only Istanbul, but also the Straits, Izmir, Adana region, in short, all the homeland within our national borders should be under our sovereignty? In this situation, how could it be thought that even though the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, Ali Rÿza Pasha, was satisfied with the promise that only Istanbul would be left to the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish nation would be satisfied and would prefer to remain silent by being content with it? Didn't Vahdettin's grand vizier want to consider the historical responsibility of all these attempts aimed at disbanding the Kuva-yÿ Milliye?

Gentlemen, there was no doubt that the nation and the Kuva-yÿ Milliye would not bow to the proposals of the foreigners and the wishes and orders of the government that tried to realize it.

THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF ESTABLISHING A NATIONAL CABINET

Distinguished Gentlemen, Rauf Bey was giving valuable information about the government and the Assembly with a code dated February 19, 1920. Let me summarize this information: "On the nineteenth day of February, the Grand Vizier, the Minister of Internal Affairs, and the Minister of the Navy went to the meeting of the Felâh-ÿ Vatan Group. The Grand Vizier stated that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye did not appear as a second government, did not interfere in the government's affairs, and that the conflicts in Maraÿ were stopped by not taking them further, and that the He said that he saw the need to provide security and security as politically beneficial, and went to Ankara as the governor of Ziya Pasha and the corps commander of Ahmet Fevzi Pasha.

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said it will be sent. The Minister of Internal Affairs also wanted him not to be interfered with in his free work. He explained that they could not afford to replace the Chief of Police and the Gendarmerie Commander. He talked about the honesty of Keÿfî Bey, who was his friend for a long time, and that he made him the governor of Bursa and Faik Ali Bey as the undersecretary. Salih Pasha also said that the government did not see it as politically possible to seize the evacuated areas in and around Maraÿ, and it would turn the French press against us. The Sultan was more dominant over the government than the Parliament. According to the mood of the Assembly, it was not possible to overthrow this government and replace it with a national cabinet meeting the necessary conditions" (Document: 236) While reporting this information to all commanders in Anatolia and Rumelia, we also added the following: Hey'et-i Temsiliye, of a more national and self-sacrificing government in Istanbul, which is under the pressure of occupation and various foreign influences. Since he appreciated the difficulties in bringing him to work, he announced his opinion to his entire organization with the circular of 17 February 1920, in response to the well-known declaration of the Grand Vizier Pasha. It is imperative to fail every attempt and attack made with the thought of disrupting the national unity, with wise behavior. While the attention of the relevant parties is drawn that it will not be possible for the Kuva-yÿ Milliye to end its activities unless a peace is made in accordance with the national cause, it especially requests to be more forward-thinking and vigilant than ever in strengthening and maintaining national unity and solidarity. and we wait (Document: 237).

I wrote the following in response to Mr. Rauf: To the Chief Adjutant Salih Bey of the Ministry of War 21.2.1920 Attention to Rauf Bey: Password dated 19.2.1920:

As it is generally understood from the discussions that the Felâh-ÿ Vatan Group had with Grand Vizier Pasha and his friends, it is clear that the current government is trying to destroy the influence and influence of the Kuva-ÿ Milliye in the country, based on the vote of confidence it received from the National Assembly. Faik Ali Bey, who was dismissed due to his attitude towards the National Struggle, was appointed as the undersecretary, and Undersecretary Keÿfî Bey, who worked with Ferit Pasha and Ali Kemal, was appointed as the Bursa governor and Ahmet Fevzi Pasha and Ziya Pasha, whose positions were not accepted by the nation before, were transferred to Ankara. His insistence on sending it to Turkey is a clear indication that he was openly acting against the Kuvayÿ Milliye. Since we appreciate more than ever the necessity of making a peace in line with the national cause within the framework of the principles determined by working in full unity between the government and the nation, we consider it our homeland duty to avoid all kinds of opposition and difficulties in the affairs of the government. Everything is over, the national goal has not been achieved. There are some terrifying possibilities. In the endless uncertainties of the future, the government should be asked whether the Kuva-yÿ Milliye values its rescuing efforts. As for us: We will not hesitate to take the necessary measures, considering every move that attempts to disrupt the national unity and solidarity that history has not created in this country so far as treason. It will be very useful for the members of the government to know these obligations and necessities. The preservation of harmony and unity between the government and us can only be possible by maintaining the current situation. Unnecessary appointments and dismissals, and insisting on officials who were dismissed especially for opposing the National Struggle, will be considered hostility against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, so the civil service of such people will not be tolerated. It should be considered a fait accompli that Ahmet Fevzi Pasha and Ziya Pasha were immediately turned away if they were sent.

Since even the friends in the National Assembly, who have understood the gravity of the current situation, prefer to remain silent in the face of such abnormal events, will encourage the government, which is provoked and encouraged from all sides, so friends who are committed to the cause should take a definite and open stance on this issue as well. Since the government's dominance over the Assembly will complicate the task of overseeing, there is no doubt that if such a situation arises, appropriate decisions will not be taken for the liberation of the homeland and ultimately the national goal will not be realized. Ensuring that the aims of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, which are accepted by the whole nation and considered sacred, are adopted and realized by the Assembly and the government works in terms of these purposes.

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We kindly request you to fulfill your patriotic duty to the very end.

Let me also present the response we gave to another letter of Mustafa Kemal Rauf Bey on behalf of the Representative Committee:

Reference : Password dated 20.2.1920 :

It is clearly understood that the government's intimidating attitude towards the group in the National Assembly stemmed from the group's inability to develop and show its existence as a political force in solidarity. First of all, it becomes clear that the group must be made a conscious controlling force in this respect. The fact that the government invites you in order to win your heart, is due to the fact that it understands its current weakness and to gain time by stalling it until it gets stronger. The time has come to take a firm stand against the government. It should be clearly stated to the Grand Vizier and Internal Affairs Minister that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye will continue its work until the result is obtained.

Our enemies, who have occupied the country and want to reduce our nation to total slavery, may find themselves justified in not wanting the activities of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. However, it is unprecedented that a national force trying to save the state and nation is attacked and attacked by our own government. Just as the view of the Entente Powers regarding leaving Istanbul under Ottoman rule was met with joy, their requests for abandoning the war on the Izmir and Adana fronts were met with astonishment. It was reported to the Minister of War that the arms could not be laid down until Izmir and Adana were also in the hands of the Ottomans, that no attack was made by us against the Armenians, that if there were some incidents between us and the Armenians, who were armed and provoked by the French, the responsibility would belong to the Armenian nationalists and those who provoked them. .

Against the government's proposal not to proceed from Maraÿ and Urfa, in order to give confidence to the nation and to stop the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, the French should be asked to start evacuating Adana immediately. Otherwise, it will not be possible to prevent the Kuva-yÿ Milliye from the struggle to save the country, that this fire is about to spread to Aleppo and Syria; They should make it clear to themselves that the sooner the French act in the evacuation of Adana and its surroundings, the more profitable they will be. Alleviating the harsh language used by the Anatolian press was possible when the Allied Powers put an end to their oppression and attacks. It should demand the cruelty of us to silence an innocent nation that cries out against all these injustices, oppressions and even massacres. In fact, the press all over the world is free and free, freed from such strict regulations. We would ask you not to do anything to return some of the Akbaÿ front to the British. We think that even an empty cartridge case should not be returned to the British.

If the government thinks that by making such false acts of self-righteousness against the Entente Powers, it can manage to arouse compassion and that their hypocritical behavior will affect the change of peace conditions, we will pity their negligence. In short, in these difficult days when our peace is in question, we especially request that the duty of supervision that falls to our friends in the Assembly to be fulfilled by enduring all kinds of sacrifices, since any action that will make the Kuvayÿ Milliye weak will undoubtedly have an ominous effect on the destiny of our nation. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal

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PUBLIC OPINION ON THE CONTINUATION OF THE KUVAYI NATIONAL STRUGGLE

Gentlemen, I wrote the following telegram to Rauf Bey on the same date, due to the need these days. This need was to poll the public opinion about the continuation of the struggle of the Representative Committee and the Kuvayÿ Milliye. I had this telegram that I wrote to Rauf Bey sent to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha in Erzurum.

It is very prompt and timely. 21.2.1920 Special to Rauf Bey: The convening of the congress that will be authorized to change the situation of the Anatolian and Rumelia Defense of Rights Association, pursuant to the last article of its bylaws, that the Assembly-i Meb'usan fulfills its legislative duty in full security and freedom. It depends on the explanation. At the head of the general organization of the Representative Committee, it was accepted upon the approval and insistence of all our friends that it should maintain its old form until peace is made. However, the attacks of the opposition newspapers encouraged by the government, the open attacks of the Ayan Assembly, the attitudes and works of the government, especially the Grand Vizier Pasha's statement, the speeches in the Majlis-i Meb'usan that made people applaud that the Kuva-yÿ Milliye was illegal, it turns public opinion against the national organization and puts our Representative Committee in a difficult position. On the one hand, organizations under the name of Teâlî-i ÿslam Cemiyeti, which people such as Zeynelabidin, Hodja Sabri, and Sait Molla, in accordance with the Sultan's request, tried to establish in all directions with the sole aim of destroying the National Forces, started to attack the national organization directly. For example, in Niÿde and Nevÿehir, on the nineteenth day of this month, they dragged the people to open meetings and demonstrations with words such as "The National Assembly was opened. Our sultan does not want the national organization". This situation was encouraged by some officials who received the Grand Vizier Pasha's notice. It is not a remote possibility that this event will spread to Konya and other places. From this perspective : 1- It is necessary to ask the government to state definitively whether it is in favor of the continuation of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. 2 - The Felâh-ÿ Vatan Group should declare that it has the aforementioned full security and freedom and, in this respect, whether it believes it is necessary to disband the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. If he deems the continuation of this force necessary, according to him, although it draws the attention of the government, he must defend it properly in the Assembly. We think that this issue should be discussed and discussed as a group.

3 - If, in the interests of the homeland, it is preferred to abolish the national organization and the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, it is necessary to ensure that the necessary measures are taken by the government against the enemy forces in ÿzmir, Maraÿ and other fronts. We kindly request that the above-mentioned considerations be taken into account with great care and seriousness and the necessary action be taken, and that the result be reported as soon as possible in order to save us personally from a difficult situation. It is assumed that some friends in Istanbul found solace in taking decisive measures against the national unity that was created with so much effort and the blows against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, rather than showing great effort and seriousness to the end, by having great hopes from the distant forces outside. We would like to remind you that if we are not able to protect the power we have well, external forces will not value us either.

Mustafa Kemal Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha on behalf of the Council of Teÿnsiliye, in his reply to this telegram dated February 23, 1920, opposed the movement that emerged in the National Assembly in Istanbul, that the Committee of Representatives and the Kuva were the members of the Milliye. I do not find it appropriate for him to take a contrary and dominating attitude. However, they insisted that the Committee of Representatives continue to withdraw from, this responsibility matter withof dignity the work and and leave thethe appreciation of the situation to the honor and patriotism of the Majlis-i Milliye its existence

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If there is no support from the National Assembly to continue their continuation... As it has the power and authority to legislate and supervise in full security in accordance with the decisions taken by the congresses, the Representative Committee leaves the implementation of the decisions to the National Assembly and writes that it has ceased its activities. And he would like to thank you as well." "However, it is highly doubtful that the National Assembly will take such a responsibility and take a decision that its situation and future are reliable and announce it. If Rauf Bey makes this offer and has these decisions taken, and declares that the Committee should be withdrawn from work, then the Committee willingly accepts it. By declaring it to the press and the nation, it moves away from the activity. It will legitimately protect its honorable and honorable place. Undoubtedly, the Aydÿn front, which has been established for a year at the insistence of the nation, neither disperses and surrenders its destiny to the Greeks, nor can the government disperse them. Those mujahideen continue the war on their own accord and as before. However, this situation remains dependent on that front and the corps commanders carry out this well in their own regions according to the situation and purpose. After that, our future situation and activities will keep up with the flow of events... It is said that this is what my weak opinion consists of (Document: 238).

WE CANNOT KEEP WITH THE FLOW OF EVENTS

Gentlemen, this view and thought, which was put forward about twenty days before the actual occupation of Istanbul, is worth examining. I will content myself with making one point only. That point is to adopt a fatalism of keeping up with the flow of events. Of course, we could not leave it to such fatalism. On the contrary, we were in favor of predicting and determining what the course of events might be, thinking of countermeasures and implementing them immediately, without falling into indecision. That's why we started polling public opinion before. Gentlemen, if I present to your information my answer to a letter of Deputy Mazhar Müfit Bey, the answer to be given to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha's views will be self-explanatory. I will not repeat what Mazhar Müfit Bey wrote in his letter. If necessary, they will publish it themselves. The answer I gave was:

Ankara, 25/26.2.1920 To Mr. Mazhar Müfit, Deputy of Hakkari, His Excellency,

I received your long letter dated 14.2.1920 only yesterday, and I am writing the answer now for the mailing tomorrow. Your valuable statements describing the real situation of the Supreme National Assembly and the group that bears the name of Felâh-ÿ Vatan made me sad. The scene that appears before my eyes with your explanations and descriptions is painful. Poor folks; He sees that the esteemed deputies, whom he considers responsible for defending, protecting and securing his life, existence and destiny, have forgotten their true national and patriotic duties at the first moment and at the first step. While it is known that the Westerners and all the nations we call enemies, allow everything to be done in Turkey that is unfavorable for us, on the grounds that the Turks have no talent, and while each of us claims that we are determined to prove the wrongness of this assumption, our feelings of self-interest and our simple selfishness always tell us. It can make you forget anything. The deputies who came first were supposed to do this, the deputies who came after took such an attitude, the Committee of Representatives considered this as their own, saw this as a common thing... Those who say these are the deputies of the great Turkish nation, right? In the face of this state of mind, such an ethical behavior, I froze in amazement and amazement. There is talk of a new group or party organization. Dear Mazhar Müfit Bey, I cannot judge that a firm stance can be taken to save the country, neither from the group nor the party that will be formed by the mentality and creations you have explained. While my friends who selflessly serve under the name of the Representative Committee want to work until they die for the liberation of this homeland and the peace of the nation, I understand that the esteemed deputies will not even allow this, with their attitudes and attitudes and their falling into the abyss of heedlessness. The organization of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Asso

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We wrote to Rauf Bey to learn and inform us of the final decision of the Majlis-i Meb'usan and the Felâh-ÿ Vatan Group, who have shown that they no longer need to rely on the Milliye, with their childish and heedless behaviors and actions. We ask for your help so that this decision can be taken as soon as possible. While making this decision, I remind you that the honorable deputies should take into account that forty thousand French, thirty-five thousand British, two thousand Greek and four thousand Italian ground forces are building up in Istanbul, the meeting place, and that the British Mediterranean navy has anchored against the Fÿndÿklÿ palace. (Mustafa Kemal)

AKBAS ARMY AND BRIDGE HAMDI MR.

Sirs, in the last code we wrote to Rauf Bey, there was a criticism that they helped to give some of the ammunition in the Akbaÿ Armory to the British. Let me explain this a little. On the Rumeli coast, near Gallipoli, there was an ammunition depot in a place called Akbaÿ. There the French had ample arms and ammunition at their disposal. Since the government considered it to be advantageous to appear completely submissive to the Allies, it promised to give some of the weapons and ammunition in the arsenal I mentioned to the Allies. And they were going to send it to the Wrangel army. A Russian ferry also came to Gallipoli for transport to Russia. The government had previously provided the permission and assistance of our heads of organizations in Istanbul... However, Efendiler, a heroic friend of ours named Köprülü Hamdi Bey, with a detachment from the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, crossed to the Rumelian coast on rafts on the night of January 26/27 ("6) 1920. Akbaÿ captured the arsenals. He arrested the French, who were the warehouse guards, and communicated. He transferred all the weapons, some of the ammunition, and the guard French soldiers to Lapseki under detention. After sending the weapons and ammunition to Anatolia, he returned the French soldiers. It was estimated that there were eight thousand Russian rifles, forty Russian machine guns, and twenty thousand chests of ammunition in the Akbaÿ warehouse (Document: 2.39). Upon this event, the British landed a force of two hundred men in Bandÿrma. Although we recommend some precautions in our order to the commanders in case the weapons and ammunition stored in the warehouses of the Allied Forces behind the national war zones are transferred to another place, rendered unusable, or occupied such places, all the commanders must show great determination and determination. We informed them that they should definitely act (Document: 240).

ANZAVUR'S ATTEMPT TO BACK OUR NATIONAL FRONTS

In the same days, the masters had succeeded in creating very important and dangerous situations around Anzavur, Balÿkesir and Biga. He wanted to hit our national fronts from behind in Balÿkesir. He had gathered a crowd of men on his head. A bloody battle took place in Biga with the national forces sent against him. Anzavur was victorious. He dispersed our forces. He captured our cannons and machine guns. He captured and martyred our soldiers and officers. Akbaÿ hero Hamdi Bey was among these martyrs. After that, Ahmet Anzavur increased his infamy under the name of Ahmadiyya Society, which he gave in his own name.

Gentlemen, on March 3, 1920, I received a code containing extremely important news. This password came from ÿsmet Pasha from Istanbul. After I came to Ankara, ÿsmet Pasha came to me in Ankara. We were working together. But after Cemal Pasha, Fevzi Pasha came to the Ministry of War. I had sent ÿsmet Pasha to Istanbul a few days before this date, upon the special requests of His Excellency Pasha and for a very important job.

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The point we considered important was this: The Greeks were preparing to attack. Against this, the plausible precaution was to engage in a regular war by mobilizing all forces. Especially His Excellency Fevzi Pasha appreciated this necessity and necessity. It would be very useful for ÿsmet Pasha to be in Istanbul to make this preparation and even to be officially appointed to the General Staff. For this purpose, I found it necessary for him to go to Istanbul. Ismet Pasha's telegram is as follows: War Ministry 3.3.1920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha According to the information received, an association was established in Istanbul and took decisions together with the British. The overthrow of the government and the establishment of a certain government, the dissolution of the Assembly, the abolition of the National Forces for the occupation of Izmir and Adana, the convening of an inter-Muslim Caliphate Council in Istanbul to maintain world peace and security, and the bcilsheviks issuing a fatwa against him was among these decisions. Nâzÿr Pasha gives importance to the works of this derriegiri. As the Anzavur movement in Anadvlu was dependent on these decisions, it was also for the same reason that the British put too much pressure on the government. They wanted me to present it as information (Ismet). (Ministry of War Major Salih)

ALI RIZA PASHA CABINET RESIGNATION

Sirs, it is known to your high persons that the British representative had proposed to the government to stop the struggle against all the Allies, including the Greeks. They also made a gilded promise that they would leave Istanbul to the Ottoman Empire if the requirements of this offer were fulfilled. But while this offer was being made in Istanbul, we knew that on the 18th, 19th and 20th days of February, the Greeks had brought new forces, vehicles and ammunition to Izmir and were preparing for a new attack by taking them to the fronts. We did not fail to draw the attention of the Istanbul Government by transmitting this information to the Istanbul Government without heeding the clamor of not interfering in the government's affairs.

While the Greeks were preparing for the attack in this way, the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha was faced with another offer. "To take back the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, which is against the Greeks, by three kilometers!.." It was clear that the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha would not be able to do this. But the purpose was to bring it down. The Grand Vizier involuntarily declared that this offer could not be fulfilled. On March 3, 1920, the Greeks attacked. They occupied Gölcük plateau and Bozdoÿan. Upon this incident, the only solution Ali Rÿza Pasha could think of was to give up staying in his office any longer, resign immediately and get away with this responsible job. Because the national If Ali Rÿza Pasha, who tried to fulfill the offer to stop the struggle but failed, promised that he would fulfill the offer this time and failed, wouldn't it be remembered that he would also be held responsible by the Entente Powers?

Wasn't the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, finally dismissed from the cabinet because he couldn't get the orders of the Commander-in-Chief, Mr. George Milne, to be enforced? Could he trust that the Sultan would protect him if the same procedure was attempted to be applied to Ali Rÿza Pasha? In such a situation, could he trust the National Assembly in Istanbul, which he said was the only place where the national cause emerged? Should he deign to rely on the Representative Committee, which he threatened to punish by saying that it is no longer necessary and possible to speak on behalf of the national will and make demands? So there was no other way out for him other than resignation. That's what he did (Document: 241). Ali Rÿza Pasha, when the first attack on the government was made,

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He did not accept our warnings that he should withdraw. He said that it would be beneficial to the country by staying in place. The Majlis-i Meb'usan saw this ignorant thought on the spot and kept him in his office. Was the task in question to complete the preparations for the offensive of the Greeks and to give him the opportunity he needed to trample another part of the holy land of the homeland and to groan some of the saints under bayonets?

THE PADISAH SAYS I WILL PICK SOMEONE AS THE GOVERNORSHIP ACCORDING TO THE STATUS OF THE JOB

While giving the news of this resignation with passwords dated March 3, 1920, Rauf and Kara Vasif Bey were also reporting that the head of the Felâh-ÿ Vatan Group and the deputy presidents of the Assembly were sent to the palace. These presidents were not accepted into the presence of the Sultan. It was ordered that they should meet with the Chief Clerk and the Chief Minister. The head of the group declared the national organization's loyalty to the Sultan. He brought the word to the withdrawal of the government. The Sultan declared the following will through the Chief Clerk: Greetings to all deputies. I know as well as they do the weight of the way things are going. I will choose someone as grand vizier according to the situation and the situation. I can't interfere with her invoking her authority and choosing her friends. However, I will advise him to deal with the majority group.

THOSE WHO WANT TO PREVENT ME FROM INTERFERING IN GOVERNMENT BUSINESS ARE EFFECTIVE THAN ME MEASURES ARE WAITING

The Presidents thanked the delegation and left (Document: 242). Among the information being given was the following: "Deputies are in a hurry. But they are confident that a cabinet will be formed as desired. It is also possible that foreigners, Hürriyet, Entente, and Nigehbanists brought Ferit Pasha or one of his relatives to power in order to be successful in the reactionary movements they organized. Of course they will dissolve the parliament. It is suggested that the measures that will be effective in the presence of the Sultan be taken from there."

Gentlemen, is it not strange that those who are making this statement today are those who said only a few weeks ago, "Since the Assembly has been officially opened, we are assured that your next orders will be communicated to us and that your views will be duly defended before every office." A few weeks ago, those who, in alliance with the Istanbul Government, wanted to prevent me from interfering in government affairs, admitted that they could not do anything in Istanbul today, and are waiting for effective measures from here, from the Representative Committee. We will fulfill this request. But not because these people have wishes, but because the interests of the country command it...

Sirs, the night of March 3 and March 3/4 was spent communicating with Istanbul and understanding the situation there. On March 4, upon the information I received from ÿsmet Pasha and other people, I informed all armies, our organization centers and the nation with a circular (Document: 243, 244). I wrote the following to the Presidency of the Parliament:

It has been received with sadness that the Cabinet of Ali Rÿza Pasha finally resigned before the Assembly in the face of the Entente States' non-stop meddling in our affairs. On the front of Aydÿn, the Kuva-yÿ Milliye is fighting the enemy trying to seize the holy homeland and burying the martyred bodies of his faithful and self-sacrificing sons on every inch of its land. No power, no authority will be able to prevent our nation from this task ordered by history. The holy excitement of our nation, which is ready for every sacrifice to protect the independence of our homeland and nation, can only be achieved by the full trust of the nation.

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The imposition of a victorious government can pacify it. The whole nation is waiting impatiently for the decisions of the MPs, who have assumed the absolute representation of their national will in these historical days. Considering the great responsibility you have taken towards the homeland and history, and the careful gaze of the whole world on your lecterns, we would like to submit that we trust that decisions will be made worthy of the determination and sacrifice of the nation, and that the whole nation is with you and helps you in your work for the sake of the country. On behalf of the Representative Committee, I sent the following telegram to the Sultan Mustafa Kemal, Sirs: To the Supreme Threshold of His Majesty the Sultan Ankara, 4.3.1920 With the resignation of the Cabinet, which could no longer stand the attacks of the Allied Powers that devastated independence and dignity, and the interventions and actions contrary to the provisions of the Armistice Agreement, a government crisis emerged again in their supreme state, a deep public opinion. It created excitement. All of your citizens, who, by uniting their thoughts and ideals around the supreme sultanate and caliphate authorities, risked the last sacrifice for our high independence and inviolability and for the country's integrity of the great Ottoman State, are already in a sad and anxious state because of some defeatism and revolutionary schemes led by the enemies. expects the governmental crisis to end as soon as possible and the establishment of a valuable government that can fulfill national ambitions as needed. Like all of your citizens, our Committee is confident that the national aims and tendencies concentrated in the majority group of the National Assembly will be supported in your lofty level as well. However, with the boiling and bubbling of a thousand kinds of passions from inside and outside, our country, whose peace and tranquility is under threat, will not be able to tolerate even a minute a cabinet president who cannot give confidence to the national conscience, and God forbid, if such a situation arises, it will face catastrophic events unprecedented in the history of the Ottoman Empire. We consider it a national debt to present it to the supreme threshold of His Excellency the Sultan. Ferman belongs to our Sultan.

Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Committee of Defense of Anatolia and Rumelia Committee of Representatives gave a copy of this telegram to the Presidency of the Parliament and the corps commanders for information. We ordered the Istanbul telegraph office to deliver it. Apart from this, Sirs, we have also sent the following circular to the commanders, governors, governors and Defense of the Central Committees.

4.3.1920 The cabinet resigned on March 3, that is, yesterday, due to the intervention and pressure of the Allied Powers, which became intolerable. According to the information we have received from reliable sources, there was a process led by foreign enemies and mediated by opposition parties in order to bring down the cabinet, bring Ferid Pasha or someone like him to power, and establish a Caliphate council in Istanbul that would serve the aspirations of foreigners. the work of the committee. In other words, in order to include the work of the committee, the Allied Powers first exerted pressure to compel the government to resign. In the face of this gravity of the situation, the Parliament of course continues to take the necessary effective measures. In order for these initiatives to be actively supported, it is necessary to immediately inform the Palace, the Presidency of the Parliament and the press, in a very harsh language, that the nation cannot stand a head of government who cannot achieve the national goal. When this telegram is received, we kindly request that telegrams be prepared in this way without wasting a minute, and that there should be a way to send them tonight, and that information be given here until tomorrow morning.

Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Representative Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association

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Gentlemen, in accordance with the instructions we gave, the telegraph storm, starting from the night of March 4/5, from all parts of the country, from all kinds of administrative levels of the nation, had the expected effect on the Sultan's palace and the Mec-Meb'usan on the fifth and sixth days of the month.

SALÿH PASHA BECOME A Grand Vizier

Finally, on March 6, the following news was given by someone we could not understand who and what it was:

It is submitted to the Committee of Representatives, Istanbul, 6.3.1920 that the Minister of the Navy Salih Pasha has been appointed to the Grand Vizier's office.

Halit, Deputy Secretary General of the Defense of Rights Association, followed this telegram:

To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Majlis-i Meb'usan, 6.3.1920 His Holiness, the Most Holy Caliph, bestowed the honor of welcoming the now President of the Majlis-i Meb'usan into his high presence, conferring the Grand Viziership to the former Minister of the Navy Salih Pasha from the Ayan Assembly. or they ordered what they gave. Since Salih Pasha is also busy with the work of forming the cabinet, it is reported that the crisis will completely disappear by tomorrow evening. There is information given by Celalettin Arif Efendi, the President of the Parliament, on the same day, but before the head of the cabinet was announced. Since it is noteworthy, I present to your information the telegram that gives this information: Personalized, very prompt The minute cannot be delayed. Ministry of War, 6.3.I920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara: 1- I met with ÿzzet and Salih Pasha last night. No offer of grand viziership was made to either of them. The proxy does not know who will be in the cabinet. It has been reported from credible sources that Reÿit Bey, the former Minister of Internal Affairs, shuttled between the Palace and the French and British embassies. According to a rumor, he will be appointed grand vizier. The previous night, the Sultan received Tevfik Pasha. Later, he accepted Ferit Pasha and met from 17.00 to 22.00. Although Ali Kemal and former Minister of Internal Affairs Mehmet Ali were present in Baltalimanÿ yesterday, long talks were held. Later, with the participation of Priest Frew, the negotiations continued was at Ali admitted Kemal's to house. the presence Ceilettin yesterday Arif Bey at 16.00. Against the insistent exposure of bringing a cabinet to work as soon as possible, since the current crisis does not tolerate the continuation of the nation and the deputies, the Sultan said that he understood the kindness of the situation in the same way and stated the necessity of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, that the appointment of a person who could arouse confidence inside and outside the country. They replied that it cannot be done in a hurry and that it is necessary to think until Sunday. My personal intuition, which I have obtained from the matters presented above for your information, gives the opinion that the Sultan is talking and writing with the British and is waiting for an answer from London. In any case, the situation is very depressing. If they are hopeful of the British, it is not a remote possibility that Ferit Pasha will be appointed as the grand vizier. In short, until now, the Sultan did not directly accept anyone other than Tevfik and Ferit Pasha, and his meeting with Ferit Pasha was also confidential. One of the men of the Palace, whom I know you trust, saw me privately on Thursday, on behalf of many relatives of the Sultan, and asked my opinion. As an answer, it is stated that anyone who can manage the current situation for the benefit of the sultanate, state and nation may have self-states, but currently occupied.

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Since it would not be possible for you to return to Istanbul under Istanbul, I clearly said that Izzet Pasha should come to power. Salih Pasha also implies that there is a possibility of closing the Assembly on behalf of the Palace, the British Deputy Chairman Hüseyin Kâzÿm Bey has plotted. presented for yourand information. the Assembly. It is understood that the First

Executioner Arif Bey will go to the palace today. He will explain the situation to the Sultan very clearly. If he brings the opposition to power, he will explain the situation that the organization in Anatolia will be shaken and thus, the principles in the East, which will be harmful to them as a result, will enter our country and the caliphate will fall in the eyes of the Muslims, and will show all the telegrams that have come from the national organization centers in Anatolia on this subject. will also submit a written report on The report was co-written. We will present its copy later (Rauf).

2 - This telegram was delivered to the Harbiye telegraph office on 6.3.1920 at 17.15 in the afternoon. Of course, it was unnecessary for Rauf Bey to talk about me when it came to finding a grand vizier. Nothing like this was ever discussed between us. Actually, I was not hopeful that the Istanbul Government would survive. I had already believed that the Ottoman Empire had come to an end. It was natural that a weak and meaningless thought such as going to the office of grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire could not have a place in my mind. While I was calmly following the stages of the revolution, which are natural to come and go, I was thinking of nothing but the measures of tomorrow.

Rauf Bey also sent a copy of the report of Celalettin Arif Bey, whom he mentioned (Document: 245). After the cabinet was formed, he gave the following information:

Harbiye (Nezareti) 8.3.11920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, to the Velsil of the Commander of the 20th Corps: 1- The cabinet was established as follows: Grand Vizier Salih Pasha; Sheikh-ul-Islam Minister of Internal Affairs. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Safa Bey, was left in the places of the Minister of War; Salih Pasha as the deputy to the Ministry of Navy, Tevfik Bey as the principal for the Ministry of Public Works, Tevfik Bey as the deputy for the Ministry of Finance, Abdurrahman ÿeref Bey as the deputy for the State Council, Abdurrahman ÿeref Bey as the principal for the Ministry of Education, the former ÿeyhülislam Ömer Hulusi Efendi as the principal of the Admiralty Office of Commerce, Mr. Zia. 2- We do not know the attitude of Celal Bey. This shape is an arrangement of the palace to save time for Damat Ferit Pasha. Salih Pasha believes that he has done give a useful vote ofservice confidence to thetocountry this cabinet. by preventing We are working a crisis.inOur thedream group is tonot to ensure this. There is still the danger of Ferit Pasha. It is recommended to take measures accordingly.

3 - As a remarkable point, let us also present the following: After the impossibility of getting a minister from within the , Majlis-i Meb'usan was understood, Salih Pasha would ask the opinion of the group in order to determine the people to be recruited from outside. Later, he gave up on this and formed the cabinet of the people whose names are presented for your information, sir (Rauf). Harbiye (Ministry) headmaster

THE WRONG WAY CAFER TAYYAR TAKES IN THRACE

Gentlemen, my explanations on the Istanbul crisis went on for a long time. We will witness that many more things emerge from the situation that has been going on in Istanbul for a long time.

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If you'll excuse me, let's take a look at the situation in Edirne, about to return to Istanbul again. During the general statements I have made so far, I think I have said that we have never excluded Thrace from our organization and plans, whenever possible. Our relations and relations with Edirne were continued as they were with every part of the country. It would be appropriate to explain to your high committee some of the remarkable points in our communications:

The 1st Corps Commander, Cafer Tayyar Bey, in a comprehensive report dated December 31, 1919, explained the works and attempts of the Greeks in Thrace and especially in Western Thrace very well. He complained that he had not been properly arranged for these extraordinary works.

He informed that it was understood at the end of the communication that General Milne did not allow his corps to take a situation that would allow it to do its duty in this situation and in the face of future events (Document: 246). There was, of course, no doubt that General Milen would not allow us to take up gear. With what kind of thought and logic was it attempted to understand this clear truth through correspondence? In the instruction I gave to Mr. Cafer Tayyar on January 3, 1920, I reminded him again of the establishment of armed units in accordance with the secret regulation we had sent. I said, "The benefits that cannot be obtained by changing the military situation should be obtained in this way" (Document: 247). I wrote that the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha, or again, talking about the situation, prevented the Greeks from making preparations, whether in Eastern Thrace (Document: 248). In the reports sent by the Thrace Pashaeli Society, it was pointed out that the organization could not be established properly and some high-ranking officials were complained about (Document: 249). I have been giving some warnings to such officers for a long time (Document: 250). The main complaint started to come from Mr. Cafer Tayyar. As an example, I think the following letter I will read about it can give an idea:

Dear Pasha, 26.1.1920 I confirm what Arif Bey said about the Thracians. The Thrace Society was not supported by financial power. Unfortunately, Cafer Tayyar deceived us all. It did not enter into the smallest organization and did not adopt the way of armament even with a single rifle. I have been accused of thinking about Cafer completely personally. unaware He is of the events in Bulgaria and is in complete negligence. Recently, a written order sent by Cafer to his divisions came into our hands by chance. In the face of this situation, due to the actions and intentions of the Greeks, it is necessary to start the national organization in accordance with the directive of the Law of Defence, but the commanders said in this regard. He asks his thoughts on whether to help the people through the officers. Now think about it... God damn those who deceive in national matters. But shame on those who have been deceived! Conclusion : Although the Bulgarian soldiers left Western Thrace by evacuating and had no forces other than five or ten officers and 150 - 200 gendarmes, Thrace, which we expected from him to defend the homeland with revolution and war, could not do anything. I don't know if Cafer suffered from this situation. Therefore. Now we will send Topçu Ihsan establish and Mr. anRasim organization. (intelligent, We will active, alsorestrained, send weapons reliable from friend) here.toLet Thrace the blind to Jafar release them alone. We do not want any other benevolence, let it not overshadow it.

The British take the Edirne line with their own soldiers. Greeks gather in Hadÿmköy, Çorlu and Lüleburgaz. Bulgaria is catching up. Greek banditry is on the rise, the governor rubs his hand against the complaints of the people, and Cafer shows his helplessness. It can be expected that Thrace would be a place of concentration of foreign forces against Bolsheviks and be attacked by Bulgarians. there

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You need a strong claw and brain. Neither Necafer nor the governor are competent in this matter, nor are they selfsacrificing. Here is the situation. I deal with these a lot. I received a password the other day, I was very upset and asked for an explanation with the password. I could not get an answer. Pasha, do you think I am pursuing a personal policy? Or do you think that I am one of the fools who will not understand the purpose and understand the situation in detail? I protest both situations. My faith and purpose are one. I walk without hesitation. Only if he's thinking of something else and you don't want to tell me, I won't say anything to him. Please let me know clearly. I feel very sorry for harsh and scathing words. That doesn't stop me from working. Don't put me in opposition. However, it may well raise a personality issue in between. I draw your attention to this, allow me to state right here that not to make any attempts before a truth comes out and you understand what I am going through is a necessity of grace and gentleness that is expected from your position and will not be neglected. I offer my respect and wish you success, Pasha.

Sirs, from the writings and reports from Edirne, I think it was clear that a wrong view was being followed. In the letter read now, there are sentences showing that this wrong view has been adopted. In order to correct this wrong attitude, I once again conveyed our long-standing views to Cafer Tayyar Pasha and Rauf Bey in Istanbul on February 3, 1920. The view I repeated was this: The conception and expression of Eastern and Western Thrace as a national whole is not a correct policy. Eastern Thrace is a part of our country, without objection or discussion. Western Thrace, on the other hand, is a region that was previously abandoned by a treaty. At best, Eastern Thrace can be a base of action for those working for the liberation of Western Thrace. Persistently resisting the unity of Eastern and Western Thrace may lead to some claims being made on Eastern Thrace. It is also worth considering that the Bulgarians also want an economic exit in the Sea of Islands. Efforts should be made in this regard in Bulgaria (Document: 51). Cafer Tayyar Pasha was also complaining about officials, notables and the public. With a code dated March 7/8, 1920, he said, "Our people expect everything from the government; the national organization cannot be established in accordance with your high orders due to the nefarious attitudes of the civil administration chiefs. During the inspections I carry out frequently within the provincial borders, I am in close contact with the villagers in particular... But, It is not possible to go to every village". He said, "It is the common desire of all of us that the organization be rooted and widespread, and it is for your information that this can be achieved by trying to eliminate the alleged drawbacks" (Document: 252). Gentlemen, General Milne does not make Cafer Tayyar Pasha change the military situation. Governors and governors remain neutral. They do not help and lead the people, who expect everything from the government, in the establishment of the national organization. Unless these drawbacks are eliminated, it is not possible for the organization to take root and spread.

KARAKOL SOCIETY IS TRYING TO EXPAND ITS ORGANIZATION IN ISTANBUL

Gentlemen, on another occasion, I talked about the Patrol Society and our attempts to ban its work. It was understood that this society was still trying to expand its organization in Istanbul. Again, a warning had to be made: 12.3.1920 Colonel ÿevket Bey, Commander of Çanakkale Fortified Area, it is understood that our organization in Istanbul is insufficient in serving the cause. Some people who came to Ankara at various times and especially nowadays and know the situation.

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According to the information he gave, the reason for the failure in this was due to the attempt to implement the Karakol Society statute under the name of Anadolu and Rumeli Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyeti. The constitution of the Karakol Society scared many people from establishing relations with the organization. For this reason, being organized in accordance with the principles of the Defense Law Organization Statute is sufficient especially for Istanbul. Because, in Istanbul, the real power should be sought in uniting the currents of ideas. Even in the armed organization to be established for actual actions and private enterprises in Istanbul, the annex of the Defense Law Regulation must be applied. If there is any objection to the emergence of the Istanbul Central Committee and the boards of directors affiliated to it, those who will join these boards can keep their persons confidential. It is especially requested, sir, to send the names of the organization established and to be established within the framework of these principles, and of the persons who constitute their central committees and boards of directors, through a reliable means. On behalf of the Committee of Representatives, Mustafa Kemal Efendi, on another occasion, I talked about the Karakol Society and our attempts to ban its work. It was understood that this society was still trying to expand its organization in Istanbul. Again, a warning had to be given: 12.3.1920 To Colonel ÿevket Bey, Commander of Çanakkale Fortified Area, it is understood that our organization in Istanbul is insufficient in serving the purpose. According to the information given by some people who came to Ankara at various times and especially these days and knew the situation, the reason for the failure in this was due to the attempt to implement the Patrol Society statute under the name of Anadolu and Rumeli Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyeti organization.

The constitution of the Karakol Society scared many people from establishing relations with the organization. For this reason, being organized in accordance with the principles of the Defense Law Organization Regulation is sufficient especially for Istanbul. Çi.inkü should seek the real strength in uniting the currents of ideas in Istanbul. Even in the armed organization to be established for foreign movements and private enterprises in Istanbul, the annex of the Defense Law Regulation must be applied. If there is any objection to the emergence of the Istanbul Central Committee and the boards of directors affiliated to it, those who will join these boards can keep their persons confidential. It is especially requested, sir, to send the names of the organization established and to be established within the framework of these principles, and of the persons who constitute their central committees and boards of directors, through a reliable means. Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Committee of Representatives

ABOUT THE ARREST OF THE KUVA-YI NATIONAL HEADS IN ISTANBUL ORDER FROM LONDON

Now, if you want, let's go back to Istanbul again. In a telegram dated March 11, 1920, Mr. Rauf gave the following information: In the afternoon of March 10, 1920, the representatives of the Allied Powers gathered. They discussed an issue involving the arrest warrant for the heads of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in Istanbul, who came from London, and they decided to carry out the order. This information was secretly given to a reliable person from a reliable source and it was stated that such people should leave Istanbul as soon as possible. After evaluating this situation according to various possibilities, they decided to stay in Istanbul until the end of the job, to fulfill their duty of honor. Grand Vizier Salih Pasha was deliberately causing this situation. They were going to try to bring down the cabinet for him. They were confident that they would succeed. In a short telegram of Rauf Bey, which followed the same day, I am justifiably worried about your health and that the telegram did not reach you, since we could not find out your thoughts on the last issues we presented and the state of the government. It was said that we are waiting for your reply.

I gave the following information to Rauf Bey and to the 15th and 3rd Corps for information on March 11: 11.3.1920

Last night, that is, on March 10/11, 1920, someone who was the translator of the French representative Yÿbaÿÿ Boizeau (Buazo) and brought us secret news for a long time, was the British representative in Ankara With a 11

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Upon a telegram he received, he informed that (Vitol) would leave Ankara with all his belongings, weights and his men and move to Istanbul today, and that after this train, the railway transportation would be stopped by the British. The aforementioned Witha 11 actually took off as announced today. In this regard, it is strongly anticipated that train services will be interrupted. There is no doubt that this situation is related to the measures taken by the Allied Powers in Istanbul.

Mustafa Kemal I gave the following answer to Rauf Bey's last telegram: By giving a vote of no confidence to the cabinet, your attack cannot be based on such a strong reason. Unless I come to a clear understanding of the group's degree of solidarity and resistance, and of its definitive position to cooperate, I cannot put forward any opinion on your decision to make Salih Pasha's departure a matter of conditionality consultingwithout the Group's Board of Directors. It is very useful and bright that the Assembly continues its duty with courage until the end against the arrest decision of the British. However, it is essential that means have been thought of and found with you that will enable friends, who are so necessary for our further undertakings and work, to finally join us. Otherwise, those who can organize the movement of the group in unity and determination should be appointed and you should come here immediately. Among those who will come here, it is important that there are those who have the qualifications to represent the country and those who can form and manage a government when necessary. There is no doubt that the Allies will resort to coercive measures... etc.

Gentlemen, it became clear after three or four days that we had summoned Rauf Bey and the other persons just in time. However, unfortunately, this invitation could not be seen as worthy of consideration with the necessary importance and seriousness. People like Rauf Bey and Vasÿf Bey eventually went to Malta with great meekness. You know this situation.

It has been explained to me that the opportunity and measures to go to Anatolia and come to Ankara until the last minute were prepared and provided by some friends. If it was, the reason and apology for these people to choose not to come to Ankara but to surrender to the British and go to Malta, Indeed, on the assumption that Turkey's situation and future are seen as dubious, dark and dangerous, it cannot be excluded that they will be thrown into danger, and that they will find it more convenient to surrender to the enemy, with the effect of the delusion of a fearful and terrible end, to finally stay for a while. However, I hesitate to make such a harsh judgment here, and it is with this in mind that I have not refrained from making every possible attempt to free these persons from the dungeons of Malta.

INVASION OF ISTANBUL

Sirs, on 14 March 1920, a letter came from the 10th Division Commander in Istanbul to the 20th Corps Command in Ankara with the code number 456 and dated 9 March 1920. The solution was: British, His Holiness Mustafa Kemal Pasha What ' a special: Upon the occupation of the Turkish Hearth building by the This new building, which was moved to the National Education and Training Building, was re-occupied by the British at noon yesterday, sir. March 9, 1920 ( common ) . Gentlemen, on the 16th of March 1920, before noon, at 10:00, the following telegram arrived at the machine:

Istanbul, 16.3.11920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Ankara This morning, the British have raided the Muzika Post Office in ÿehzadebaÿÿ, fighting with the soldiers there, and now they are finally occupying Istanbul. Your information is submitted.

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Hamdi of the Monastery

After I put the sign "MK ema l to the corps immediately with my signature" with a pencil under this telegram, I started to ask for an explanation from the telegram giver. Manastÿrlÿ Hamdi Efendi continued to give information one after another.

We have a friend that we trust the most, not only him, but everyone, that is, those who come. Now we have heard about the occupation of Harbiye. We even learned that British soldiers were in front of the Beyoÿlu telegraph office, but it is not known whether they will occupy the telegraph house. Meanwhile, Efendiler, officer Ali from the Harbiye telegraph office began to give information: In the morning, the British raided and killed six people. There are about fifteen or so rails. Now British soldiers are roaming. Now, behold, British soldiers are entering the Warehouse. Here they come in, at the Nizamiye gate. Cut the wire! The British are out there. Manastÿrlÿ Hamdi Efendi found us again. Pasha His Highness, Just as the British soldiers occupied the Harbiye telegraph office and cut the wire, on the one hand, they occupied Tophane, on the other hand, soldiers were removed from the armored ones. The situation is getting worse, sir. We have 6 martyrs and 15 injured in the clash in the morning. Pasha, I await your high orders. March 16, 1920.

Hamdi Hamdi Efendi continued: In the morning, while our soldier is asleep, British naval soldiers come and enter the station. When our soldier wakes up in surprise, the battle begins. In the end, 6 of us are martyred and 15 are injured. Thereupon, they already designed their abominations that they immediately calmed the battleships to the dock and occupied the Beyoÿlu side and Tophane on the one hand and the Ministry of War on the other. Now, it is not possible to find either Tophane or the Harbiye telegraph office. Now, according to the news I have received, the occupation is spreading as far as Derince, sir.

There is no Beyoÿlu telegraph office. I think they occupied that place too, God forbid, they should not invade this place. Here came the Beyoÿlu telegraph officers and managers. Hives. "In an hour this place will also be occupied. I've just got word, sir." The deceased Mr. Hayati summarized the information given in accordance with my mark on the first news telegram; He was sending telegrams to the addresses of all commanders in Rumelia and Anatolia. I told him to be taken to Edirne via Istanbul as soon as possible. Hamdi Effendi: Your lofty orders are carried out. I am writing to Edirne and we have all the centers ready. From Hamdi Efendi: Have you heard any news about the deputies? Does the parliamentary telegraph office answer? I asked. Hamdi Effendi: Yes it does. 14' Corps Commander is ready. Pasha wanted, should we give it? Gentlemen, we could no longer hear Hamdi Effendi's words after that. We concluded that the center of Istanbul was also occupied.

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HAMDI EFENDI FROM MANASTIR

If it were not for this patriotic and brave Manastÿrlÿ Hamdi Efendi, who knows how long we would have had to wait to hear about the Istanbul disaster. It seems that the minister, deputy, commander and someone from our organization in Istanbul did not think to come out and inform us in time. So, they were all filled with excitement and fear. I don't know if it would be right to judge that they were too confused to approach the end of the wire in Ankara, one end of which is in Istanbul. I consider it one of my national and national duties to express my gratitude to him here.

Gentlemen, upon this situation, I gave the following order to prevent a disaster that may occur. : To all governors and governors

3rd Corps in Sivas, 14th Corps in Bandÿrnia, 20th Corps in Ankara, 15th Corps in Erzurum, 12th Corps in Konya, 13th Corps in Diyarbakÿr Refet Bey on the Izmir Front, 61st Division Command in Balikesir, all To Defense-i Law Central Committees and Boards of Directors telegram, urgent

According to the current situation, my nation will not be able to establish a temporary relationship with the whole official outside world, be it friend or foe, despite trusting the humane feelings of the civilization world and the spiritual unity of the entire Islamic world. The humane behavior we will show towards the Christian people in our country today is of great value, and the fact that the Christian people, who did not receive the open or indirect help of any foreign government, continue to live in peace and tranquility will be a definite proof of the civilized ability of our race. To apply the provisions of the law equally and violently to those who are seen to be working against the interests of the country and to those who disturb the peace and security of the country, without distinction of religion and nationality; As for those who show loyalty to the local administrations in their places and do not fail to fulfill their civic duties, we especially want to be treated with kindness and compassion, we request that these issues be reported to all concerned immediately and announced to all citizens by appropriate means, sir.

On behalf of the Defense of the Law Committee Mustafa Kemal

THE OFFICIAL COMMUNICATION THAT THE ALLIANCE FORCES WANT TO MAKE TO THE COUNTRY BY TELEGRAPH

After the Allied Forces occupied the Istanbul tolgraph centers, the masters wanted to send an official notification to the country by telegraph. Upon the warnings and reminders made by us, we did not receive this official notification except in some centers. The main ones who received and responded are: Izmit Governor Suat Bey, Konya Governor Suphi Bey. Official Communiqué

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Five and a half years ago, the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, which had somehow achieved the destiny of the Ottoman Empire, were caught by German indoctrination and brought the Ottoman Empire and Millstini to the First World War. The result of this unfair and sinister policy is known. The Ottoman State and Nation, after going through some kind of disaster, suffered such a defeat that the Committee of Union and Progress Even the leaders of the League had no choice but to flee by making a Armistice Agreement. After the agreement was made, a task fell to the Allied Powers. This task consisted of laying the foundations of a peace that would secure the future happiness, development, social and economic life of all the people of the former Ottoman Empire, regardless of race or sect. While the Barzÿ Conference was struggling to fulfill this task, some people who were on the side of the leaders of the Union and Progress who had fled, by establishing an organization under the pseudonym "National Organization" and disregarding the orders of the Sultan and the Istanbul Government, to gather the people, who were completely exhausted by the bitter results of the war, for military service, they tried to do things such as causing discord among various elements, robbing the people on the pretext of national aid, and thus they tried to open a new era of war, not peace. Despite these attempts and provocations, the Peace Conference continued its work and finally decided that Istanbul should remain under Turkish rule. This decision will relieve the hearts of the Ottomans. However, when they informed the Sublime Porte of their decision, they also reminded them of the conditions under which the implementation was dependent. These conditions were not to endanger the lives of Christians in the Ottoman provinces, and to put an end to the continuous attacks against the military forces of the Entente Powers and their allies today. Although the Istanbul Government showed some goodwill against this warning, those who acted under the pseudonym "National Organization", unfortunately, did not want to give up their encouragement and provocation. On the contrary, they tried to get the government to cooperate with them.

Against this situation, which is a great danger to peace, which everyone is waiting for with an endless longing, the Entente Powers were obliged to consider the necessary measures to ensure the implementation of the peace provisions that will be decided soon. They found one solution for this. This was to occupy Istanbul temporarily. Since this decision has entered into force today, the following points should be explained in order to enlighten the public.

1 - The occupation is decisive.

2 - The intention of the Allied Powers is not to break the influence of the sultanate, but to strengthen and consolidate that influence in the countries that will remain under Ottoman rule. 3 - The intention of the Allied Powers is not to deprive the Turks of Istanbul. However, God forbid, this decision can be changed if a general disturbance or massacre occurs in the country. 4 - In this delicate period, it is the duty of everyone, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, to mind their own business, to help ensure security, not to fall prey to the deceitful words of those who, with their folly, want to destroy the last hope for the establishment of a new Turkey from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. It is to obey the orders to be given from Istanbul, which remains the center of the sultanate. Some of the persons who participated in the above-mentioned provocations were caught in Istanbul. They will of course be held responsible for their own actions and then for events that may occur as a result of their actions.

Occupational Forces Due to this communiqué, I immediately issued the following circular: 16.3.1920 To all the Governors and Commanders and to the Defense Committees, the occupation of Istanbul was carried out by force as a result of the armed conflict by the Entente Powers. It is possible that many people who think of treason by taking advantage of this assassination will attempt to deceive the nation. As a matter of fact, we learn that some unsigned declarations in the form of official declarations are intended to be published. Such statements should never be valued, in order not to allow wrongful acts and create excitement that contradicts the real situation. The Anatolian and Ruineli Defense of Rights Society, which monitors the real situation, will enlighten the nation.

Mustafa Kemal

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MY PROTEST TO FOREIGN STATES

Gentlemen, I have also sent the following protest by various means: 163.1920 Protest to the British, French and Italian Political Representatives, the American Political Representative, the Foreign Ministries of All Neutral States, the Italian Representative in Antalya to be given to the French, British and Italian National Assemblies. All official offices in Istanbul, including the Majlis-i Meb'usan, which represents our national independence, were officially and forcibly occupied by the military forces of the Allied Powers, and many patriots working for the national cause were attempted to be arrested. This final blow to the political dominance and freedom of the Ottoman nation, rather than we Ottomans, who were determined to defend their life and existence at all costs, are based on all the principles that are considered sacred by the civilization and humanity of the twentieth century, all the principles that underlie today's human societies such as freedom, nationality, and patriotism. it means that it has been reduced to the common conscience of humanity that brought these principles into existence. We believe in the uniqueness of our struggle to defend our rights and independence, and that no force can deprive a nation of its right to live. It is an assassination that history has not recorded so far, and that this act, which is not compatible with the honor and dignity of the nations concerned, is appreciated, not official Europe and America, but also because it was based on a fraud arising from the fact that an Armistice Agreement based on Wilson's principles deprived the nation of its means of defense. science, culture and civilization are contented with leaving it to the conscience of Europe and America* and once again we draw the world's attention to the great historical responsibility that will arise from this event. The righteousness and sanctity of our cause is our greatest helper after God in these difficult times.

On behalf of the Anatolia and Rumelia Defense Committee Mustafa Kemal On the night of the same day, I published the following instruction with a circular:

Password 16.3.1920 Expressing to all the Governors and Commanders that Istanbul and the official offices, especially the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, had been forcibly occupied by the Allied Powers, and that this move was made after the nation had disarmed with the ceasefire agreement, It is considered necessary to hold meetings to send protest telegrams to the representatives of the Entente States, the foreign ministries of all neutral states, and the Presidencies of the National Assembly of the Entente States. In the protest telegrams, especially, it was stated that the attack would be a blow to the principles of freedom, nationality and patriotism, which are the work of a civilization and humanity for a century rather than Ottoman domination, and that this event would not have any effect on the determination and faith of the Ottoman nation to defend its existence and independence, only civilized nations accepted this attack. Telegrams to be sent to the foreign ministries of neutral states and to the Presidency of the National Assembly should be sent to the authorities they belong to in Istanbul, but also through the Italian representative in Antalya. We ask that a copy of the protest telegrams be sent here as well. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Password 163.1920 To Colonel Refet Bey

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Due to the recent events, we find it useful to send copies of the protest telegrams to be sent at the end of the demonstration meetings held everywhere to the Presidencies of the National Assemblies of the Allied Powers and to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the neutral states. We kindly ask you to provide the assistance of the Italian representative in Antalya in this regard. On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal

STATEMENT I PUBLISHED TO THE NATION

Gentlemen, on the same day, I issued the following statement to the nation:

To all commanders, governors and mutasarrÿfs, Defense of the Law Associations, Municipality Presidency and Press Association There are various measures that the Entente States have applied to find a way to share our country so far. In the past, it was planned to make an agreement with Ferit Pasha and leave the nation defenseless, to enslave the foreign administration and to include many important places of the country among the colonies of the victorious states. The determination and determination of the Kuva-yÿ Milliye to defend independence with the support of a whole nation turned this vision upside down. Secondly, the Committee of Representatives was applied to deceive the Kuva-yÿ Milliye and to pursue the policy of gaining superiority in the East with its permission. The delegation did not agree to any negotiations unless the independence of the nation and the integrity of the homeland were guaranteed, and unless an attempt was made to evacuate the occupied areas. Thirdly, it was adopted to undermine the national unity by interfering in the work of governments cooperating with the Kuva-yÿ Milliye, to encourage treacherous oppositions and to increase their audacity. However, in the face of the strength and solidarity created by the national unity, these attacks also melted away. Fourth, it was mentioned that worrisome decisions were taken regarding the fate of the homeland, and the public was put under pressure. This intimidation was of no use before the will and determination of the Ottoman nation, who had risked every sacrifice for the sake of defending its honor and homeland. Finally, today, by forcefully occupying Istanbul, the seven-hundred-year rule of the Ottoman Empire was ended. In other words, today the Turkish nation is called to defend its civil capacity, its right to live and remain independent, and its entire future. Gaining the admiration of the world of humanity and realizing the salvation aspirations of the Islamic world depends on saving the Caliphate from foreign influences and defending and winning national independence with a faith befitting our glorious past. God's help and protection is with us in our holy struggle to save our country and our independence.

On behalf of the Anatolian and Rumelia Defense 3 Law Society Committee, Mustafa Kemal Effendi, and at the same time, the whole Islamic world, the attack was explained in detail in a statement and announced by various means.

Gentlemen, without waiting to get more information about the incident, I took the necessary measures and implemented the measures that I found necessary and needed to be taken immediately, as explained, immediately on the day of invasion, by understanding the situation from the information given by the telegrapher, Manastÿrlÿ Hamdi Efendi, and the declaration confirming this information by the occupation forces. Inconsistent and exaggerated information began to emerge from various sources about the occupation of Istanbul and the arrests. We continued our research and investigations in various ways. It was understood that the deputies and some individuals who were dispersed, unable to see the legislative task to be fulfilled, were fleeing from Istanbul and coming to Ankara.

DECISION TO MEET AN ASSEMBLY WITH EXTRAORDINARY POWERS IN ANKARA

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Gentlemen, as soon as Istanbul was occupied on March 1, there are some more measures that I took immediately, which I have not explained again here, since I told them at the first opening of the Grand National Assembly. For example, you may have read in the first minutes of the Grand National Assembly the details of the measures, such as the removal or removal of the weapons of the foreign troops in Eskiÿehir and Afyonkarahisar, the destruction near Geyve and Ulukÿÿla, and the arrest of foreign officers in Anatolia. The most important of these measures; It is the decision of our national and national duty to convene a parliament with extraordinary powers in Ankara and the implementation of this decision.

Gentlemen, I published a statement showing our decision on this issue and how this decision will be implemented, on 19 March 1920, three days after the occupation of Istanbul. Gentlemen, I met with the commanders at the machine for two days and got their thoughts on this matter. In the first draft I wrote, I used the term "Constituent Assembly". My purpose was to ensure that the assembly to be convened has the authority to change the "regime" at the first moment. However, I was warned from Erzurum and Sivas because I could not or did not want to explain the purpose of using this idiom, because it was an expression that the people were not accustomed to. Thereupon, I confined myself to using the phrase "an assembly with extraordinary powers".

By officially declaring to the government that even the official occupation of the center of the state by the Allied Powers to the Governorates, Independent Sanjaks and Corps Commanders has rendered the national powers of the state, consisting of the legislative, judicial and executive, inoperative and that it cannot function in the face of this situation. In that case, a parliament with extraordinary powers is called by the nation to convene in Ankara in order to think and implement the measures that will ensure the protection of the center of the state, the independence of the nation and the salvation of the state. attendance was deemed necessary. In this respect, it is expected from a high and deep understanding of patriotism to make elections in accordance with the instructions given below:

1 - A parliament with extraordinary powers will be convened in Ankara to administer and supervise the affairs of the country.

2 - The persons to be elected as members of this assembly are bound by the provisions of the law regarding the deputies. 3 - Sanjaks will be taken as a basis in the elections. 4 - Five members will be elected from each sanjak. 5 - Selection. second voters to be called by that sanjak from their own districts, second voters to be elected from the sanjak center, sanjak administrative and municipal councils and the administrative boards of the defense; It is held in the same day and in the same session by a committee formed from the provincial central boards, the provincial administrative boards, the municipal council in the city center, the central district and the second voters of the districts affiliated to the center in the provinces,

6 - It is possible to be nominated for this council membership by any party, group or association. Every individual has the right to stand as an independent candidate from wherever he wants in order to actively participate in this sacred struggle.

7 - The highest civilian administrator of each region will preside over the elections and will be responsible for the election security.

8 - Elections will be held by secret ballot and on the basis of absolute majority; The votes will be counted by two persons to be elected by the board and in front of the board.

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9 - At the end of the selection. Three copies of the minutes will be drawn up, to be signed by all board members or stamped with their own seals; one of them will be kept in place, one of the other two copies will be given to the elected person and the other will be sent to the Assembly. 10 - The appropriations to be received by the members will be decided by the Assembly later on. However, travel travel expenses will be covered by the local administrations at the amount deemed appropriate by the election boards as necessary expenses. 11- Elections will be completed in a way to ensure a majority meeting in Ankara within fifteen days at the latest, the members will act and the result will be notified immediately with the names of the members. 12 - The time of receipt of the telegram will be notified.

Distribution: It was communicated to the corps chiefs, governorships and independent sanjaks. On behalf of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Effendi, the deputies coming to Ankara from various places within a week, were contacted personally by telegraph. They were given information that would help them relieve their sadness and increase their spirituality. There was no one left to lead our cause in Istanbul anymore. Despite the warnings we made for months and in various ways and methods, the heads of those who did not establish an organization as we say and tried to establish the Patrol Society went to Malta, and there was no trace of the lives and activities of its members in Istanbul. In order to re-establish an organization there, I had to work very hard and spend more money than we could afford according to our current situation.

Distinguished Gentlemen, in one or two places between my general speeches, I talked about my election as the President of the Parliament in Istanbul and the purpose of it. I also stated that I faced a small difficulty because of the fact that this could not be achieved. Indeed, when the Assembly was attacked and dissolved in Istanbul, I hesitated for a moment to gather the deputies and especially to attempt the establishment of a parliament as I explained earlier. Without a doubt, I did not know whether Celalettin Arif Bey, the President of the Meelis-i Meb'usan, would come to Ankara. If he comes, I thought of waiting for his arrival and having the invitation made through him. However, the situation required us to act very quickly. I did not find it prudent to waste time by clinging to an unknown possibility. However, in order to ensure the implementation of the decision I was about to make, I felt the need to spend a day or two in the telegraph press receiving the opinions of all the commanders. A connection was established with Celalettin Arif Bey when he arrived in Düzce on the night of 27/28 March. I wrote him the following telegram: Issue : 3 Ankara, 27.3.1920 In Düzce, to the Speaker of the Parliament, Mr. Celalettin Arif Bey, who was put under pressure and captivity by the state forces with the official and de facto occupation of Istanbul by the British, to the Majlisi Meb'usan The rule and control of all the forces of the state and the nation, since the independence and honor of the nation has been violated by these attacks, and therefore the deputies have to understand that they will not be able to fulfill their duties related to the fate of the country, and they have to take refuge in the midst of the disease. It is well known that since there was a strong need to convene an extraordinary assembly, which would keep it under the law, the Delegation of Representatives decided to convene an executive with extraordinary powers in Ankara, and it was notified everywhere to take necessary action. After examining the text of the declaration dated 19.3.1920 on this subject Afterwards, we find it useful to announce our opinion to the public in the form of a statement in advance, in order to state the people who are happy once again and to ensure that the elections are held as soon as possible and the assembly convenes as soon as possible. I am waiting for your valuable reply, sir.

The answer given by Mustafa Kemal Celalettin Arif is as follows: To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Ankara.

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DIFFERENCE OF OPINION WITH CELALETTIN ARÿF

I did not see the aforementioned declaration dated 19.3.1920 to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Ankara. Although it is appropriate to convene an extraordinary assembly, such an assembly must be based on the law as far as possible. Although there is no indication in our Constitution regarding the convening of such an extraordinary assembly, the provisions of other constitutions can be used. For example, if the assembly is illegally dissolved or attacked, as per the French constitution, those who can be formed from the members of the attacked assembly, together with two members to be elected from the provincial and sanjak administrative councils, gather in a suitable place. They take measures to reopen the assembly or to prevent the attack, The decisions of this assembly are absolute, they must be obeyed, those who do not listen to the verdict: they are charged with treason. I was thinking this way too.

After understanding the basis of the declaration dated 19.3.1920, I am thinking of preparing a declaration at the end of the discussions I will make on my arrival in Ankara. See you again. We bid farewell with our respects together with ÿsmail Fazÿl Pasha and Saruhan Deputy Reÿit Bey, who were beside me at the machine. One of my friends, Kÿrÿehir Deputy Rÿza Bey, also pays his respects and requests that his father in Keskin be informed that he is also in Bolu, sir.

Celalettin Arif If we carefully review what is written in this reply telegram, it will be easily noticed that there is a great difference between our views and Celalettin Arif Bey. I, of course, knew that there was no indication in our Constitution that an assembly with extraordinary powers would convene in Ankara, and that there was no indication of such an assembly, but it never occurred to me to consider whether such a sign existed in order to make my decision. Moreover, I have never thought of working to ensure that the survivors of the attacked councilors and the two members to be elected from the administrative councils of the provinces and sanjaks would convene the MecIis i Meb'usan, that is, in the old form and quality. On the contrary, I thought of establishing a permanent assembly with a completely different quality and authority and going through the stages of the revolution I envisioned together with this assembly. Accordingly, I have no hope that our thoughts, which I do not suspect contradict each other, will be able to come together after the meeting. However, I had Celalettin Arif Bey give the notification dated March 19, 1920 by telegram. The answer I got the next day was:

Düzce 28.3.1920 The general statement of your High Representative Committee to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Ankara, dated 19.3.1920, was examined. In this respect, it is natural to discuss and publish a separate statement after your arrival in Ankara. It is respectfully submitted that tomorrow, inevitably, we will stay in Bolu and move to Ankara on March 29, 1920.

President of the Parliament Celalettin Arif

CELALETTIN ARÿF CANNOT RELEASE THE PRESIDENCY OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY

Celâleddin Arif Bey, after examining our statement, says that the contents are generally in accordance with the principles he thinks, but he writes and announces a statement that supports these principles. He leaves this until after he comes to Ankara and has discussions.

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Gentlemen, after Celâl Arif Bey came to Ankara, long discussions and discussions were held with him and some other lawyers on this issue. But if I am not deceived, Celalettin Arif Bey has never agreed with my view on the qualifications and authority of the Grand National Assembly. He always saw the main duty of the council, which had been convened, as ensuring the convening of the Istanbul Meb'usan, and he always considered himself the President of the Meb'usan in Istanbul. If you'll allow me a little memory that shows that I was not mistaken in this opinion, let me present it to your knowledge.

I, the President of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and he was the Vice-President, one day, at the meeting of the Presidency Council, Celalettin Arif Bey opened the issue of appropriations and requested appropriations for that office because he was the President of the Parliament. Mr. Recep, who is the Secretary General, told us. It is well known that at that time, there was no difference between the appropriations of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Assembly and the other presidents and members of the Assembly. Celalettin Arif Bey, in his capacity as the President of the Parliament, was talking about his legal right to receive extra allowances, keeping himself separate. I argued that the Presidency Council is not authorized to resolve this issue, and that if it insists on this request and claim, it can be acted upon by presenting the issue to the General Assembly of the Assembly. Celalettin Arif Bey did not find it appropriate to appear before the Assembly and gave up his request.

CHALLENGES MADE BY MAJOR GOVERNMENT OFFICERS IN SOME LOCATIONS DURING THE ELECTIONS

Distinguished Sirs, In accordance with the instruction dated March 19, 1920, elections began to be held in all parts of the country with speed and seriousness. However, in some places indecision and resistance were seen. Some of them for a short while, some for a long time insisted on their indecision and resistance. However, in the end, the deputies of all constituencies were present in the Grand National Assembly as the representatives of the whole nation and the country. Some places that showed indecision and resistance were: Dersim, Malatya, Elazig, Konya, Diyarbakir, Trabzon... Gentlemen, to have stated the real situation. For this reason, I must also explain that it is not the people of these election districts that show indecision and resistance. Maybe it was the civil administration chiefs in those regions at that time. As soon as the people understood the truth, they never hesitated to join the common will of the nation. Now, Lords, let's touch on some of the events that are considered as natural results of the revolution. :

THERE WAS THE SO-CLOSE SUPPORT OF THE PADISAH BETWEEN THE OFFICERS IN SAMSUN

In a cipher dated March 29, 1920, which I received from the 3rd Corps Commander Selâhattin Bey, it was mentioned that "the morale of the 15th Division in Samsun was corrupted and that there was so-called support of the Sultan among the officers". "The officers informed their commanders that they would not carry out the orders that would be given against the Sultan. If pressure was put on, there was a possibility that they would abandon their duties. All the confiscated buildings were evacuated on the second day of the occupation, due to the passengers and gaze who came from Istanbul, that Salih Pasha was in his place, and that the Assembly of Notables continued his duty. and in the last Friday greeting, the Ministers of War and Navy were present, and it was understood that the necessary ceremony was carried out as before..." "According to the situation, what are the things that are done without the knowledge of this government when there is a government in Istanbul?" The 15th Division Commander, who reported these thoughts and behaviors of the officers, put forward his views: "It is unthinkable that imprisoning an officer here will create an extraordinary situation. However, events such as marching on Anatolia will occur by taking advantage of this. I do not know how the Kuvayi Milliye was rendered service on the Izmir front. I think they were made to work with money.

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I am sure that there will be no force left from the current force. As for the army units, desertions have already begun. As long as the lack of money continues like this and there is a central government in Istanbul, I am suspicious of the officers." Moreover, 3rd Corps Commander Sellattin Bey arrested the captain named Forbes, the control officer who came to Amasya, in accordance with the instruction we gave. An English representative, captain, came to Samsun. Sellahattin. Mr. Selahattin wrote that Captain Forbes should be sent to Samsun without a minute's delay; otherwise, Selâhattin Bey added that he would be questioned. Asking my opinion on this matter, Selâhattin Bey gave the following advice about his answer: "I am not the one who arrested Forbes; government centers,toceasefire. the treatyOccupation and humanity. is a In just this nation, respect contrary , only the people can make his release . " Despite this, this Forbes was ordered to be expelled from the country, he was not arrested. From a short code of Bolu Governor Haydar Bey dated 9 April 1920, it was understood that the bridges in the place called Çatalköprü between Adapazarÿ and Hendek and the Mudurnu Suyu bridge were destroyed by those against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye. Commander of Bolu and its environs, Mahmut Nedim Bey, wrote in his code dated 9 April 1920 from Düzce, that demonstrations were held against the Kuva-yÿ Milliye in Adapazarÿ on April 8, telegraph and telephone lines were cut between Hendek and Adapazarÿ, and those who remained neutral from Düzce Abaza moved to join the opposition. understood that they did. It was also understood that the transportation between Hendek and Adapazarÿ had been cut off due to the destruction of the large bridge on the Mudurnu Stream. Upon this information, the attention of the 24th Division Commander Mahmut Bey in Gevye was drawn. In Nevÿehir, a branch of the Teâlî-i ÿslam Cemiyeti was established under the chairmanship of Nevÿehir District Governor Nedim Bey. In the report given, it was stated that eight of the most corrupt members of the society were sent to Niÿde. The members of this society were saying, "We do not recognize any power other than the Sultan. We have sworn to sacrifice all our strength in terms of goods and lives in order to distribute the Kuva-yÿ Milliye." They were meeting every night. Its notables were arrested with a detachment sent by the Division Commander in Niÿde. TURKEY'S GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY MEETS

Gentlemen, we will come across such events on a larger scale from now on. In the days when we tried to ensure the convening and opening of the Grand National Assembly, the waves of reaction and rebellion that started from places in the Bolu region such as Düzce, Hendek, Gerede and expanded to the extent that they approached Ankara over Nallÿhan and Beypazarÿ were the ones that bothered us the most. While trying to stop these waves, on the one hand, I was thinking about ways not to leave the deputies who are meeting in Ankara and who do not know the general situation better, in the face of events that would terrify them, and to prevent the ominous possibilities such as the failure of the Assembly to convene when such situations arise. That's why I was in a hurry to open the Assembly. Finally, being content with the deputies who were able to come, we decided to open the Assembly on Friday, 23rd of April. Upon this decision, I find it appropriate to present to your information the text of the notification I made to the whole country on April 21, 1920, as a document showing how much we had to comply with the feelings and thoughts of that day.

Telegram: Urgently sending a letter to Ankara Ankara, 21.4.1920 To the Corps (14th Corps Deputy Commander), 61st Division Commander, Refet Bey, All Governorships, Independent Sanjaks, Defense Central Committees to the Mayors

1- By the grace of God, on Friday, the 23rd of April, after the Friday prayer, the Grand National Assembly will be opened in Ankara.

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2 - By coinciding the opening day of the Grand National Assembly, which will carry out the most important and vital tasks such as the independence of the homeland, the salvation of the supreme Caliphate and the Sultanate, on Friday, the sanctity of that day will be benefited, and the Friday prayer will be performed in the Hacÿ Bayram Veli Mosque with all the deputies and the Qur'an will be recited. Fayz will be taken from the lights of Allah and prayer. After the prayer, Sakal-ÿ ÿerif and Sanjak-i ÿerif will be taken and they will go to the meeting place of the Assembly. Before entering the assembly, a prayer will be read and sacrifices will be made. In this ceremony, a special ceremony will be arranged with military units by the Corps Command, starting from the Mosque-i Sharif to the Parliament building. 3 - Starting from this day, in order to indicate the sanctity of the opening day, hatim will be downloaded and Buhari-i ÿerif will be read, as will be arranged by His Holiness the Governor, starting from this day, and the last parts of the Hatm-i $erif will be read by the Assembly after the Friday prayer to bring good luck. It will be completed in front of the meeting place. 4 - From this day forward, Hatm-i Sharifs will be downloaded and Bukhari Sharifs will be read in the same way in every corner of our holy and wounded country. Salah will be given on the minarets before the adhan on Friday. A prayer will be recited for the salvation of our Lord's great beings, glorious country and all his subjects as soon as possible and for them to attain happiness. Sermons will be given explaining that each member of the nation is obliged to fulfill the patriotic duties assigned by this Grand National Assembly, which is composed of its own deputies. Afterwards, prayers will be prayed for the salvation, safety and independence of our Caliph and Sultan, our religion and state, our homeland and our nation. After this religious and patriotic ceremony and leaving the mosques, official congratulations will be made on the opening of the Parliament by coming to the government mansion in all parts of the Ottoman provinces. Mevlid-i Sharif will be recited properly before the Friday prayer on all sides.

5 - Every means will be used to ensure that this communiqué can be published and delivered to all parts of the world, and it will be delivered quickly to the most remote villages, the smallest military units, and all the organizations and institutions of the country. In addition, it will be hung everywhere in large slabs and, where possible, printed and reproduced and distributed free of charge. 6 - It is requested from the Almighty God that he will achieve complete success. On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal On April 22, 1920, I published the following small communique: The minute will not be delayed. 22.4.1920 To All Governorates, Independent Sanjaks, Corps, Colonel Refet Beyefendi in Nazilli. To His Excellency Ali Fuat Pasha, , Kazÿm,ofCommander Commander of the 20th Corps in Bursa, To Mr. Bekir Sami, Commander the 56th Division of thein61st Bursa, Division To Mr. in Balÿkesir Colonel

By the grace of God, it is for your information that the Grand National Assembly will be the sole authority of the whole nation, with all military and civilian authorities, as the Great National Assembly will be opened on Friday, 23rd of Nisa.

On behalf of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal Dear Sirs, The issues that I have presented for your information so far were related to the explanation of the events that I have focused on myself and on behalf of the Representative Committee. What I will say next is the events and events that have taken place since the opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the establishment of the government.

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will include changes. What I am going to say here is actually about the phases of events that are clearly known or easily known to everyone. In fact, the documents of these events and events are recorded and hidden in the parliamentary minutes, the files of the ministries, and the press collections. In this regard, I will content myself with pointing out and determining the general course of all these events. My purpose is to assist history in the study of our revolution. In the course of all these events and events, I consider myself obliged to fulfill this duty as the chairman of our organization, rather than being the Chairman of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the Government, rather than having the titles of Commander-in-Chief and President.

POLITICAL PRINCIPLE THAT THE TURKISH NATION SHOULD FOLLOW: NATIONAL POLITICS

Gentlemen, in the first days of the opening of the Assembly, I explained the current situation and conditions and presented my views that I found appropriate to be followed and implemented. The main of these views was about the political principle that Turkey and the Turkish nation should follow. As it is known, various political principles were followed and followed during the Ottoman period. I believed that none of these political principles could be accepted as a principle in the political formation of the new Turkey. I tried to explain this to the Parliament. Work continued on this point. Regarding this issue, I find it useful to remember the main points of what I have said from the past together here.

Gentlemen, you know that life means struggle and perseverance. Success in life depends on success in struggle. And this is a matter based on material and spiritual power and might. Also, all the problems that people deal with, all the dangers they face, all the successes they have achieved, have come from the waves of a general struggle made by the society. The attack and attack of the Eastern tribes against the Western tribes is a major phase of history. It is known that among the eastern nations, the Turks came first and were the most powerful. Indeed, the Turks entered Europe before and after Islam, they made attacks and invasions. There are also Arabs who attacked the West and conquered Spain, reaching the borders of France. But Masters, every attack must always be thought of as a counterattack. Without considering the possibility of a counterattack and without finding a reliable measure against it, the end of those who attack is to be defeated, defeated, and destroyed.

The West's counterattack against the Arabs began with a bitter and exemplary historical disaster in Andalusia. But it didn't end there. The chase continued as far as North Africa. After remembering Atti 1â's empire, which spread to France and West-Roman lands, let us turn our gaze to the times when the Ottoman Empire, which was founded on the ruins of the Seljuk State, had the crown and throne of the Eastern Roman Empire in Istanbul. Among the Ottoman rulers was one who attempted to establish a vast empire by conquering Germany, Western Rome. Again, one of these rulers thought of ruling the entire Islamic world by connecting it to a center. For this purpose, he conquered Syria and Egypt and assumed the title of "Caliph". Another sultan also sought to both conquer Europe and dominate the Islamic world. In the end, the conflicts of the elements buried the Ottoman Empire, like its counterparts, into the chest of history.

Masters, the foundation on which foreign policy is most concerned and based is the internal organization of the state. Foreign policy must be compatible with the internal organization. The internal organization of a state that gathers disparate elements with different characters, cultures and ideals in a single border, in the West and the East, will of course be baseless and rotten. Therefore, its foreign policy cannot be well-established and solid. The internal organization of such a state is far from being particularly national, and its political principle cannot be national either. Accordingly, the policy of the Ottoman State was not national, but uncertain, blurry and unstable.

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Gathering various nations under a common and general name and establishing a strong state by keeping the masses of these various elements under equal rights and conditions is a bright and attractive political vision. But it is deceptive. In fact, it is an impossible goal to unite all the Turks in the world into a state, without any borders. This is a fact that centuries and people who have lived for centuries have brought about through very painful and bloody events. It cannot be coined in history that the politics of Pan-Islamism and Panturanism succeeded and made the world a field of practice. Their desire to be an invader is beyond our subject. The theory of establishing a humane state by making people forget their personal feelings and allegiances and uniting them in full brotherhood and equality has its own conditions.

The political principle in which we see clarity and possibility of implementation is national politics. The general conditions of the world today cannot be as big a mistake as being a dreamer in the face of the facts that have been placed in the minds and characters for centuries. This is the expression of history, this is the expression of science, reason and logic. In order for our nation to live strong, happy and stable, the state must follow a national policy as a whole, and this policy must fully comply with our internal organization and be based on it. When I say national politics, the meaning and essence is this: To work for the real happiness and welfare of the nation and country, by preserving our existence within our national borders, above all by relying on our own strength. It is to expect civilized, humane and mutual friendship from the civilized world.

ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT

Gentlemen, another important issue I proposed to the Assembly was the establishment of a government. Appreciate how kind it was for the time to make a proposal about this matter and about it.

The reality consisted of establishing a new state based on new foundations, considering that the Ottoman sultanate and caliphate had been destroyed and disappeared. But to state the situation as it is could lead to a complete loss of purpose. Because the thoughts and tendencies of the people were in the way that the Sultan and the Caliph were excused. In fact, in the Assembly, the trend of establishing contact with the caliphate and the sultanate and seeking reconciliation with the Istanbul Government started at the first moment. I tried to explain that the conditions in Istanbul were not suitable for meeting with the Caliph and the Sultan, neither openly nor privately and secretly. I asked what we wanted to understand by such contact. If it is to inform that the nation is working to gain its independence and to ensure the integrity of the homeland, there is no need for this. Because, is it possible for the person who is the Sultan and the Caliph to think and want something other than this? I wouldn't believe it if I heard the opposite from your mouth; I said that I would accept that it was said under duress and pressure. I said that the fatwa issued against us was fabricated, and that the lively statements and orders of the Istanbul Government were in need of interpretation, and that we did not find it necessary to show the caution that some weak-hearted and low-minded people wanted to show.

THE PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT BASED ON NATIONAL DOMINATION: THE REPUBLIC

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I would like to submit that before making a proposal on the basis of the establishment of the government, it was necessary to consider the feelings and thoughts. While complying with this necessity, I submitted my proposal, which kept the main purpose hidden, as a motion. It was accepted after a short discussion and despite some objections,

If we review this resolution today, we will see that fundamental principles have been identified and expressed there. If you will excuse me, I will enumerate these principles one by one here:

1- It is necessary to form a government. 2 - It is not possible to temporarily elect a head of government or to assign a deputy to the Sultan. 3 - It is the basic principle to accept that the national will concentrated in the Assembly has directly seized the destiny of the homeland. There is no power above the Turkish Grand National Assembly. 4 - The Turkish Grand National Assembly gathers legislative and executive powers within itself. A delegation to be elected from the Assembly and appointed as a deputy will take care of the government affairs. The chairman of the assembly is also the chairman of this delegation. Note: When the sultan and the caliph are freed from pressure and coercion, they take their status within the framework of the legal principles to be arranged by the Assembly. Gentlemen, the nature of a government based on these principles can be easily understood. Such a government is a people's government based on national sovereignty. It is the Republic. The main principle in the establishment of such a government is the theory of the unity of forces. As time passed, the concepts of these principles began to be understood. That's when discussions and events chased each other.

TURKEY ELECTED ME TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

Distinguished Gentlemen, after a day or two of speeches and statements in public and private sessions, and after making the proposal containing the principles to which I have pointed out, the supreme Assembly has shown its general confidence in me by electing me to the presidency. I should also explain a small point here: You may remember that they regarded the emerging national unity as the result of personal initiative rather than connecting it to the enthusiasm and awakening of the nation. In the meantime, they considered it important to prevent me from making attempts. They did not benefit from making the nation and government reject and curse me. In the propaganda made: "If I am rejected and cursed, no action will be taken against the nation and the state... The cause of all evil is my own person. For a man, it would be unthinkable for a nation to take so many risks.” The government and the enemies were using my person as a weapon against the nation. For this reason, on April 24, 1920, I explained this situation to the Parliament in a secret session. In the presidential election, I asked that this also be taken into account as a drawback and that voting decisions be made accurately, considering only the safety of the nation and the country.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS

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Gentlemen, the Grand National Assembly formed a Council of Ministers with 11 ministers in the Grand National Assembly, with the law of May 2, 1920, regarding the election of the Ministers, to also carry out the General Staff. It can be seen that a week has passed since the opening date of the Parliament, April 23. During this period, the affairs of the country and the nation, and especially the issue of taking precautions against destructive currents and activities, could not be delayed even for a moment. However, when the law on the election of the Council of Ministers was enacted, some of the people elected to the ministry by the Assembly had taken office before and were helping me. In the meantime, His Excellency ÿsmet Pasha had also assumed the duties of the General Staff. Gentlemen, in this connection, I find it necessary to make a point: In those days, when it was thought that it would be appropriate for the current colleagues to be assigned to which jobs, I preferred ÿsmet Pasha , for the Chief of General Staff. Refet Pasha, who was in Ankara, saw me privately and asked me to give information. What he wanted to understand was whether the Chief of General Staff was the highest military post. When he received the answer from me that the said authority was the highest military authority and that the higher authority would be the National Assembly, he objected to this. He said that ÿsmet Pasha could not consent to this situation, which meant being the commander-in-chief. I said that the task was very important and kind, and that it would be appropriate to rely on my knowledge and impartiality of all friends. I added that it was not appropriate for him to make such a claim.

Gentlemen, Fuat Pasha, with whom I later met at the Western Front Headquarters, strongly opposed Ismet Pasha's Chief of Staff. I tried to convince Fuat Pasha of the necessity of accepting the most appropriate solution for the situation. The objection that Refet and Fuat Pashas added to some of their own thoughts was this: They had worked with me in Anatolia before. But ÿsmet Pasha joined later. However, in my previous speeches, I had stated that ÿsmet Pasha had cooperated with me before I left Istanbul. Later, we came to Anatolia and worked together. , However, upon the appointment of Fevzi Pasha to the Ministry of War, he was sent back to Istanbul with some important thoughts and on a special mission. In this respect, seniority in thought and cooperation was out of question. If there had been a mistake in giving the General Staff jobs to ÿsmet Pasha for the first time, it would have been a patriotic duty to warn me about this issue. However, His Excellency Pasha, on the contrary, found this assignment very appropriate, and they immediately accepted the proposed Ministry of National Defense with a very sincere feeling. The merit and outstanding effort of ÿsme tPaÿa, both in the Chief of General Staff and later in the Front Command, proved that I had acted correctly in assigning him a task, so I made a complete internal struggle against the nation, against the army and against history. I am at peace.

HIYANET-I VATANÿYE LAW AND ESTABLISHMENT OF COURTS OF ÿstiklal

Gentlemen, the Assembly fulfilled the natural requirements of the revolution by enacting the Law of Treason on April 29, 1920, and the Laws of Independence Courts in the following months. Gentlemen, we touched on some destructive currents, events and rebellions that started after the occupation of Istanbul. These quickly appeared one after another from all over the country and went on. In Istanbul, Damat Ferer Pasha was immediately brought back to power. The Cabinet of Damat Ferit , Pasha, the bloc formed by all the destructive and treacherous organizations in Istanbul, the entire rebellion organization of this bloc in Anatolia, all the enemies and the Greek army jointly acted against us. The instruction of this common attack policy was the "revolt against the Sultan" fatwa, which the Sultan and the Caliph rained down on the country by all means, including enemy planes.

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Against these general, various and treacherous attacks, we too, before the parliament was opened, by removing the enemy troops in Afyonkarahisar, Eskiÿehir and all along the railway from Anatolia, by demolishing , Assembly the Geyve and Lefke Carablus bridges and by obtaining the fatwa was convened. of the Anatolian We took scholars countermeasures. as soon as the INTERNAL riots

Gentlemen, the internal revolts that started against our national enterprises in 1919 quickly spread all over the country. Bandÿrma, Gonen, Susurluk, Kirmasti, Karacabey, Biga and its surroundings; around Izmit, Adapazarÿ, Düzce, Hendek, Bolu, Gerede, Nallÿhan, Beypazarÿ; in Bozkÿr; around Konya, Ilgÿn, Kadÿnhan, Karaman, Çivril, Seydiÿehir, Beyÿehir, Koçhisar; around Yozgat, Yenihan, Boÿazlÿyan, Zile, Erbaa, Çorum; The fires of confusion that flared up around ÿmranlÿ, Refahiye, Zara, Hafik and Viranÿehir were burning the whole country, and the fumes of treachery, ignorance, hatred and bigotry were leaving the entire sky of the homeland in intense darkness. Waves of rebellion hit the walls of our headquarters in Ankara. We were faced with rabid intentions that even cut the telephone and telegraph lines between our headquarters and the city. After ÿzmir, important regions of Western Anatolia started to be trampled upon by the attacks of the Greek army.

It is worth paying attention to that, eight months ago, while the nation gathered around the Representative Committee and cut off their relations and communications with the Damat Ferit Government, there was no such general uprising, apart from occasional events such as Ali Galip's attempt. The widespread and general uprisings this time showed that much preparation had been made within the country over the course of eight months. It was painfully understood how well-founded our struggles with the governments after Damat Ferit's government were based on the preservation and strengthening of the national consciousness. The bitter consequences of other possibilities shown by the governments in Istanbul in terms of dealing with the fronts and the army in order to strengthen the National Struggle will also be seen.

ANZAVUR AND DUZCE REvolts

Gentlemen, first of all, in order to give a clear idea about the internal revolts, if you allow, let me briefly present the stages described in order to touch on the internal revolts as appropriate: The first Anzavur revolt, which started in the northern region of Balÿkesir on September 21, 1919, broke out for the second time in the same region on February 16, 1920. These two rebellions were suppressed by our troops and national detachments. On April 13, 1920, a rebellion broke out around Bolu and Düzce. This rebellion spread to Beypazarÿ on April 19, 1920. Meanwhile, Anzavur emerged again on May 11, 1920, with a force of five hundred armed with cannons and machine guns, attacking a weak national detachment around Adapazarÿ and Geyve for the third time. On May 20, 1920, he was defeated near the Geyve Strait and had to flee.

The uprising around Düzce was important. A large crowd of four thousand Abaza and Circassians raided Düzce, emptied the prisons, and took the weapons of our cavalry detachment there by battle. They imprisoned government officials and officers. We sent forces against the rebels from all sides. Meanwhile, the 24th Division in Geyve, with Commander Lieutenant Colonel Mahmut Bey in the lead, also moved to Düzce. While Mahmut Bey was passing from Hendek to Düzce on the day of the opening of the Parliament, that is, on April 23, 1920, Hendek also rebelled. Adapazarÿ was also captured by the rebels. Mahmut Bey was deceived and ambushed by the rebels on the Hendek - Düzce road on April 25, 1920 and was martyred in the first fire. staff

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President Sami Bey, his aide and a few other officers were also martyred. Thereupon, the 24th Division was completely captured by the rebels before they could fight. All their rifles and cannons were taken. The weights were looted. Meanwhile, the Governor of Izmit, Çerkez ÿbrahim, came to Adapazarÿ from Istanbul. He conveyed the greeting of the Sultan ,tostarted the people to and collect volunteers with a salary of one hundred and fifty liras. After the gathered rebel forces dominated the whole region, they began to attack our forces in the Geyve Strait.

The forces we sent to this rebellion area were: 1- The Çerkez Ethem Bey detachment formed by the Salihli and Balÿkesir Kuva-yÿ Milliye; 2 - Major Nazÿm Bey's detachment, consisting of two battalions of regular army units, four mountain cannons, five machine guns and three hundred efe cavalry; 3 - Lieutenant Colonel Arif Bey detachment, consisting of two battalions of infantry, eight machine guns, two field and two mountain cannons; 4 - 'Major ÿbrahim Bey (Çolak) detachment consisting of a national force of three hundred people and two machine guns and two mortars. As the commander, Ali Fuat Pasha was assigned to the part extending from the Geyve Strait to Adapazaÿn, and Refet Pasha was assigned to the part extending from Ankara to Bolu via Beypazarÿ.

ARMY OF THE CHILATES

Gentlemen, a treacherous force called the Caliphate Army was building up under the command of Süleyman ÿefik Pasha in Izmit. Some of its forces supported the rebels under the command of Palmy Major Hayri Bey near Bolu. There were also many officers sent from Istanbul with the Btz force.

After Süleyman ÿefik Pasha, the main commanders of the Caliphate Army were Cavalry Major General Suphi Pasha and Artillery Lieutenant Colonel Senai Bey. There was also a specially established staff committee in Istanbul. The main commanders of this delegation were Staff Colonel Refik and Staff Lieutenant Colonel Hayrettin Bey.

Let me tell you a little memory about Suphi Pasha: I knew Suphi Pasha from Thessaloniki. While I was a captain (kolagasi), he was still a major general and a cavalry division commander. Despite the rank difference, we were very close friends. At the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Monarchy, he had cavalry maneuvers made for the first time in a place called Cumalÿ around Shtip. He had invited me, among several other staff, to do exercises and maneuvers. He was a very skillful rider who was trained in Germany. But he was not a commander who understood the art of military service. At the end of the maneuver, I bitterly criticized the Pasha in front of all his officers, despite my authority and rank. Later, I also wrote a small work called "Ottoman Army Camp". Suphi Pasha was very upset both because of the criticisms I made openly and because of this published work. According to his own confession, his spirituality was broken. However, he did not take offense to me personally. Our friendship continued. The commander they found for the Caliphate Army is Suphi Pasha. Pasha later came to Ankara. I was going on a tour. We met each other in a large crowd at the station. My first question to him was: "Pasha, why did you accept the Caliphate Army Command?" Without a moment's hesitation, Suphi Pasha replied: "To be defeated by you".

He wanted to explain with this answer that he had accepted this task for a special purpose. Suphi Pasha can be found in such a feeling. But, in reality, his forces had already been defeated when he took command.

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This rebellion around Bolu, IZuzce, Adapazarÿ and Izmit lasted for more than three months, this time until June 1920. But after that, on July 29, there was a rebellion again. However, after that, this region did not remain completely calm. However, as a result, the rebels were completely defeated and their leaders were handed over to the laws of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The part of the Caliphate Army located near Bolu was also defeated. Commander Major Hayrive, lieutenant lieutenant captain A1, 'Lieutenant Lieutenant ÿerefettin, First Lieutenant Battalion Hasan Lütfi Surgeon Ethem Machine Gun Officer Mehmet Hayri, and Efendiler wereClerk treated to the same procedure as the other ÿbrahim , Hayrettin, ringleaders. The Caliphate Army was also compelled to flee from Izmit to Istanbul.

YENÿHAN, YOZGAT AND BOÿAZLIYAN riots

While the masters were dealing with the rebels in the northwestern region of the country, a rebellion began in the middle of the country around Yenihan, Yozgat and Boÿazlÿyan. These rebel movements are also worth remembering. On May 14, 1920, some men named Postman Nazim and Circassian Kara Mustafa revolted with thirty or forty people in the village of Kaman, Yenihan'abaÿlÿ. This movement expanded with increasing violence. On the night of 27/28 May 1920, the rebels raided and captured one of our detachments in Çamlÿbel. On May 28, 1920, some other rebels attacked and dispersed one of our battalions on the march near Tokat and captured some of them. Increasing their courage, the rebels occupied Zile on the night of 6/7 June 1920. Our soldiers there defended themselves by retreating to the Zile castle. Three days after the soldiers ran out of supplies and ammunition, they surrendered to the rebels. The rebels also raided Boÿazlÿyan on 23/24 June 1920. They dispersed one of our detachments there. The 5th Caucasian Division under the command of Cemil Cahit Bey in Amasya was mobilized against the rebels. Kÿlÿç Ali Bey, who was in the Antep region, was also sent to this region with a national detachment. An Erzurum National Detachment, which was coming from Erzurum to Ankara, was also left in the region. Until the middle of July 1920, these rebels were pursued and beaten. Yenihan revolt also mobilized the conspirators in other regions of Central Anatolia. Celâl, Edip, Salih and Halit Beys from Çapanoÿullarÿ, gathered some bandits like Aynacÿoÿullarÿ and DeliÖmer gangs and occupied the Köhne sub-district center around Yozgat on 13 June and the city of Yozgat on 14 June and dominated a large region. The 3rd Corps forces, headquartered in Sivas, and the national forces we left in that region were not enough. Ethem Bey detachment in Eskiÿehir and ÿbrahim Bey detachment around Bolu were also sent to the Yozgat region.

After the rebels were destroyed in Yozgat and its surroundings, the detachments sent there were assigned to other regions. However, security could not be established in these regions. On September 7, 1920, some vagrants called Küçük Aÿa, Deli Hacÿ, Aynacÿoÿullarÿ started to operate again near Zile, and some men named Kara Nazÿm, Çopur Yusuf near Erbaa. Of these, the Aynacÿ sons were able to gather up to three hundred horsemen. In the face of this situation, ÿbrahim Bey's detachment, which received the Second Force-i Sevyaread, again went to Yozgat from the Eskiÿehir region, where it was located, together with the national detachments and gendarmerie forces there, in various groups, in various groups, in the regions of Maden, Alaca, Karamaÿara, Mecidözü, and followed the rebels who were causing disorder and banditry. Ibrahim Bey was able to eliminate the nobles only in more than three months.

EVENTS IN OUR SOUTH BORDERS

Gentlemen, important revolts broke out in our southern regions at this time, which also bothered us seriously: Mahmut, ÿsmail, Halil Bahur, Abdurrahman Beys, who were the chiefs of the Milli tribe,

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After secretly establishing relations and connections with the enemies, they assumed the title of lords of all the tribes that stretched from Sürt to the vicinity of Dersim, that the region should be empty: and they attempted to suppress the region. When the French moved to capture Urfa for the second time in early June 1920, the Milli tribe also advanced towards Siverek, and our 5th Division, located in that region, was assigned. All of them were supported by our national forces in that region. On 19 June 1920, under the pursuit of our troops, they were compelled to flee to the enemy territory in the southeast direction. After preparing for a while in the enemy zone, this tribe again crossed into our lands on 24 August 1920 with a force of three thousand horsemen and camels and a thousand infantry. He came near Viranÿehir. The rebels deceived our commanders in that region by saying that they came to ask for mercy, and neglected to take precautions. Meanwhile, they attacked and defeated our dispersed detachments nearby and occupied Viranÿehir on 26 August 1920. They cut off all telegraph lines in that area to prevent our communication and connection.

However, fifteen days later, with the forces sent from the 5th Division's units in Siverek, Urfa, Resulayin and Diyarbakÿr, the tribal forces affiliated with us were able to defeat the rebels. The pursued Milli again fled south into the desert. While the masters were trying to suppress the rebellion of the Milli tribe in the south, a man named Çopur Musa in the Afyonkarahisar region tempted the soldiers to escape from the army with the force he gathered on his head and instructs the nation not to join the army. Çopur Musa, raided Çivril on 21 June 1920. He fled against the sent forces and joined the Greek army.

KONYA REVOLUTION

Gentlemen, before the Chopur Musa incident, an uprising took place in Konya. On May 5, 1920, an association of mischief was discovered in Konya. Notable members of this association began to be arrested. A day later, these notables, who were being arrested, provoked the people and attempted to hold an armed meeting in Konya. Some peoples came from outside armed and rebelled together. The commander in Konya, acting bravely with the forces in his hands, succeeded in dispersing the rebels and arresting and following the initiators.

THE STATUS OF THE WAR FRONTS

Gentlemen, let's remember once again the state of the various fronts in the first days of the opening of the Assembly: l. Izmir Greek Front: It is also known by your high committee that when the Greeks landed in Izinir, Nadir Pasha was present there as the 17th Corps Commander with his headquarters. As a force, there were two regiments of the 56th Division under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Hurrem Bey. This force was handed over to the Greeks, especially by order of the corps commander, under magical insults, without being resisted by the enemy. A regiment of this division (172'ncialay) was in Ayvalÿk. Its commander was Lieutenant Colonel Ali Bey (Afyonkarahisar Deputy Colonel Ali Bey). While the Greek army was expanding the occupation area, it also landed soldiers in Ayvalÿk. Ali Bey went to war against this Greek force on 28 May 1919. Until this date, the Greek troops had never been met with fire anywhere. On the contrary, the people of some cities and towns were frightened, and they met the Greek troops, especially the administrative chiefs, with special delegations, following the orders of the Istanbul I Government. Ali

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After the Bey established a battle front in the Ayvalÿk region, national fronts began to form gradually in Soma, Akhisar and Salihl. Beginning on 5 June 1919, Colonel Kazÿm Bey (His Excellency Kazÿm Pasha, Speaker of the Assembly) assumed the command of 61st Tümer in Balÿkesir by proxy. Later, he became the Commander of the Northern Front, which included the Ayvalÿk, Soma and Akhisar sections. After Fuat Pasha was appointed to the Command of the Western Front, Kazÿm Bey was given the position and authority of the Northern Corps Command. they were working hard. In the meantime, the effort and sacrifice of Ce1â1 Bey (the ÿzmir Deputy is Ce1â1 Bey), who went to that region by changing his name and clothes, is worth remembering.

On the night of 15/16 June 1919, the forces sent by A1i Bey from Ayvalÿk destroyed the Greek occupation forces in Bergama with a raid. The forces sent from Balÿkesir and Bandÿrma had also participated in this raid, in part. Upon this event, the Greeks felt it necessary to withdraw their scattered and weak detachments. Meanwhile, they evacuated Nazilli. Therefore, while making preparations in Aydÿn, the people's forces gathered from the surrounding began to press them. There was a violent clash between the Greeks and the people. Finally, the Greeks evacuated Aydÿn and withdrew. Thus, the Aydÿn front was established in mid-June 1919. The Commander of the 57th Division in this region was Colonel Mehmet ÿefik Bey and the Division Artillery Commander Major Hakkÿ Bey. Major Haci ÿükrü Bey, one of the regimental commanders, was at the head of the national forces, Yürük Ali Efe and Demirci Mehmet Efe. Finally, Demirci Mhmet Efe took over the Aydÿn Front Command by mastering the situation. That's why I stated earlier that even Colonel Refet Bey (Refet Pasha), whom I sent there later, accepted the command of Demirci Mehmet Efe.

Gentlemen, the nutrition of the national fronts, which were established in the various fronts of Izmir and gradually tried to be supported by officers and military units, was mostly provided directly by the people of those regions. For this, a national organization was established in the backward regions. The transition of this duty from the people to the government was only possible after the establishment of the Government of the Grand National Assembly. 2. The French Front in the South: a) National forces were established directly in the Adana region, in the Mersin, Tarsus, Islahiye regions and around Silifke, against the French troops, and they began to work very bravely. The heroism of Captain Osman Bey, who acted as Tufan Bey in the eastern region of Adana, is noteworthy. National detachments penetrated to the entrances of the cities of Mersin, Tarsus and Adana and dominated. They besieged the French in Pozantÿ and forced them to retreat. b) There were important battles and clashes in Maraÿ, Antep and Urfa. Eventually, the occupation forces were compelled to withdraw from here. I consider it a duty to mention the names of Kÿlÿç A1i and Ali Saip Bey, who played a major role in these successes. National forces were being organized more and more in the French occupation zones and fronts. National forces began to be supported by army units. The occupying forces were being pushed hard and hard on all sides.

Gentlemen, upon this situation, the French sought opportunities to contact and meet with us, starting from May 1920. First, a major and a civilian came to Ankara from Istanbul. These individuals went to Beirut before Istanbul. Former Van Deputy Haydar Bey mediated these. However, towards the end of May, a French delegation headed by a person named Monsieur Duquest, who acted on behalf of the Syrian Extraordinary Commissioner, came to Ankara. We signed a 20-day ceasefire agreement with this delegation. With this temporary agreement, we were aiming to prepare a start for the evacuation of the Adana region.

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Gentlemen, the twenty-day ceasefire agreement I made with this French delegation was objected to by some in the Grand National Assembly. However, the benefits that I wanted to achieve by accepting this agreement were as follows: First, I wanted to calmly reorganize the national forces in Adana regions and fronts, which were partially reinforced with soldiers. Taking into account that the national forces may disperse within this range of combat, I ordered some measures to be taken in addition to the ceasefire notification. Furthermore, Sirs, I was taking into account a political use which I considered important. Of course, the Grand National Assembly and its Government were not recognized by the Entente Powers. On the contrary, they were in relations and transactions with the Ferit Pasha Government in Istanbul on matters related to the fate of the country and the nation. In this respect, it was a useful and important political point for the French to leave the Istanbul Government aside and meet with us in Ankara and agree on any issue. In this ceasefire meeting, I clearly and unequivocally demanded the evacuation of the areas within our national borders that were occupied by the French. The French delegates put forward the obligation to go to Paris to get authority on this matter. The twenty-day ceasefire agreement was considered, in a way, to allow time for authorization to come to a more substantial agreement. Gentlemen, the impression I got from these meetings and conversations was that the French would evacuate Adana and its surroundings. I expressed this thought and belief to the Assembly. Although the French wanted to show that the agreement only belonged to Adana region by occupying Zonguldak before the end of the ceasefire period, we came to the conclusion that this action nullified the ceasefire. Our agreement with the French was delayed for a while.

ISTANBUL IS LOOKING FOR CONTACT WITH ANKARA AND NURETTIN PASHA IS TRYING TO MAKE THIS CONTACT

Distinguished Sirs, While making a statement in the secret session of the Assembly on May 9, 1920, and announcing that French officials and their delegations were seeking ways to contact and contact us, one of the deputies (deceased Çorum Deputy Fuat Bey, if I remember correctly) said, "For a few days, as if Istanbul wanted to make a deal with us, can you give us some information about it?" he asked a question.

Indeed, four or five days before that date, a person named Leon in Istanbul called us via Çanakkale. After they found Ankara and realized that we were here, they said: "What we have to say is very important. Let's leave the communication until the night. Let the army centers be pulled out of the way. They didn't meet that night. But they called again a night or two later. This time, the person we met was from old Izmir. He wrote a telegram signed by his governor Nurettin Pasha, which contained the following: "I, together with my two friends, consider it a useful duty for the homeland to mediate the agreement of Istanbul with you. The government here and the British agreed to this. We look forward to your positive reply. Nurettin Pasha was writing his telegram to the Presidency of the Representative Committee. He seems unaware of the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its Government, the fact that it started to work, and the Law of Treason, which confirms the existence and legitimacy of the Grand National Assembly. I sent Nurettin Pasha's telegram to the Minister Pasha of replied National to Nurettin Defense, Pasha. FevziIn Pasha. this reply, Fevzihe said: It seems that you were not aware of the further situation after sending your telegram to the Head of the Representative Committee. And after explaining the situation, K said, "Which authority in Istanbul wants to meet with which authority in Ankara?" In the unsigned reply to this telegram: "The people who wrote the telegram are not here now. They left this. We will inform you at 10:00 tomorrow." After that, Nurettin Pasha called again for the second time. This time. Since there was no possibility of agreement with telegraph communications, he was saying send an authorized delegation to Istanbul, let's meet and agree.

Gentlemen, we said in reply: "It is very true, it is really not possible to negotiate by telegram. But you come to Mudanya and let them know that you can come soon. From our side.

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authorized persons are present there. Necessary instructions were given to Bursa as well." After that, no one called again. Hoca Müfit Efendi (Kÿrÿehir): "Is it really Nurettin Pasha? he asked. And I said: "Yes, it was really Nurettin Pasha, I replied. Gentlemen, I must state that this application made by the Istanbul Government through Nurettin Pasha coincided with the days when Anzavur was defeated in the Balÿkesir region and we started to gain success in Bolu.

NURETTIN PASHA IS IN ANKARA

Gentlemen, we did not receive any more telegrams from Nurettin Pasha. However, he came to Ankara in mid-June 1920, together with Kazÿm Pasha from Diyarbakÿr. Before cooperating with us, he said he wanted to understand our view on some issues. First, our thoughts and views on the caliphate and the sultanate; Second, our view on Bolsheviks; Third, it was the question of whether we decided to go to war against the Allies, especially the British.

The meeting was held at night in a room of our headquarters at the Agricultural School. In this meeting, besides Kazÿm Pasha, who came with Nurettin Pasha, Fevzi and ÿsmet Pasha were also present. Nurettin Pasha did not find the answers he received to the first and second questions very satisfactory. But the answer to the third question in particular has sparked long and heated debate. Because we said that our aim is to fully ensure our territorial integrity and the independence of the nation within our national borders. Regardless of the force, whoever and whatever we may encounter to prevent this, we will definitely fight and win. Our decision and belief in this matter is final. Here Nurettin Pasha could not believe and consent to this. Finally, we said to him: "By agreeing to negotiate on this issue, it is not possible to reach new views and take decisions. You will abide by the beliefs of the nation, which have been well established and finalized until now! "After that, a suitable task that we can give him was emphasized. We found it appropriate for him to be the commander of the region to the south of the Greek front, with the civil duty of the governor of Konya and the title of the Commander of the Konya Region. For the main Western Front, we appointed Ali Fuat Pasha as the commander on 18 June 1920. Gentlemen, since it was felt that the enemy was making some preparations on the Greek Front in those days, the sensitivity increased on the front. Therefore, before Nurettin Pasha's mission was finalized and before I sent him to his post, I had to move to the Western Front in haste. I left the completion of the assignment of Nurettin Pasha to ÿsmet Pasha, who is the Chief of the General Staff. Indeed, the enemy had attacked on the whole front. Our troops were withdrawing. When Nurettin Pasha realized the unfavorable situation at the front, he mentioned that some conditions should be decided by the government in order to accept a duty to ÿsmet Pasha. Under those conditions, the government would have to get the opinion and approval of Nurettin Pasha before taking a firm and final decision on the administration and important issues of the country. Because the members of the Grand National Assembly Government were not mature and experienced people like Tevfik Pasha and the like, but young people. ÿsmet Pasha immediately informed me of this mindset and proposal, which he found very strange. I also found it meaningful that Nurettin Pasha put forward this thought, which he did not say when I offered him a position, after the depression began in general, and in my reply to ÿsmet Pasha, I ordered that he not be given a task. I found it remarkable what Nurettin Pasha wrote in a letter he sent me two days after the Greek offensive began. If you wish, let me read this article to your high committee as it is:

Ankara Station, 24.6.1920

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To the Supreme Presidency of the Grand National Assembly, Your Excellency, I considered it an insult to be removed from the command and governorship to which I was appointed, and the manner of notification of my dismissal. It is not necessary to give importance and importance to a thought and opinion about the homeland put forward by a statesman, not even to be heard, and to be treated like two or three people, without waiting, with due diligence, or perhaps without even seeing the need for it, even after receiving the votes of the relevant Grand National Assembly and the Government. I request the permission of the High Presidency, on the grounds that I consider it dangerous for the nation and the country that there is no harm in taking action in this way with the thoughts and wishes of many minorities, and therefore, if I am not mistaken, that the country should be governed with such an understanding.

I would like to inform you that I will leave Ankara by the first train to live in my hometown, Bursa, as I find the acceptance of duty inconvenient and I do not see cooperation as beneficial under the current conditions, I bid you farewell, Your Excellency.

Nurettin ÿbrahim Efendiler, my answer to this article was exactly as follows: 25.6.1920 Attention to Major General Nurettin Faÿa: High resolutions dated 24 June 1920.

The aforementioned command and governorship duties had not yet been formally given to their members by the Ministries of National Defense and Interior and had not been communicated to them. In this respect, neither your appointment nor your departure is out of question. However, it was thought that you would be assigned a duty, your thoughts and decisions on this matter were asked. At a time when the appointment status was not finalized, the Government decided to abandon your appointment, upon the indecision in your opinion and opinion learned through the General Staff. In order to make such a decision, as you think, the presentation of the situation to the General Assembly of the Grand National Assembly is not one of the requirements of the current and applicable laws. As for you to go to Bursa and live there, you are notified that due to your military service, you have to apply to the higher level of the Ministry of National Defense in this matter, sir.

The President of the Grand National Assembly, Mustafa Kemal Nurettin Pasha, went not to Bursa, but to Taÿköprü and stayed there for a long time. From now on, we will touch him again for several occasions. I will explain those situations as much as necessary.

THE FIRST GOVERNMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TURKEY ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

DECISION:

Gentlemen, the first decision of the Turkish Grand National Assembly Government on foreign affairs was to send a delegation to Moscow. The delegation was chaired by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Bekir Sami Bey. The Deputy Minister of Economy, Yusuf Kemal Bey, was a member. The main task of the delegation, which departed from Ankara on May 11, 1920, was to establish relations with Russia. Although some provisions of the agreement between Russia and our government were initialed on August 24, 1920, they were delayed due to some points that could not be agreed upon due to the situation. The signature of the diplomatic document known as the Moscow Treaty ('3') was only possible on 16 March 1921.

Distinguished Gentlemen, the first general Greek offensive, which did not delay in following the local revolts in the country, will once again turn our gaze to the west.

THE FIRST GREEK GREEK ATTACK

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On June 22, 1920, the Greeks started a general attack from the Milne (Miln) line. His forces were now in six divisions. With three divisions from two branches, from Akhisar - Soma direction, with two divisions from Salihli direction; they attacked from Aydÿn front with one division. The northern branch of the enemy entered Balÿkesir on 30 June 1920 and its cavalry occupied Kirmasti and Karacabey on 2 July 1920. Our 61st and 56th Divisions, which were in the face of this enemy, withdrew towards Bursa, destroying the Ulubat bridge. The enemy continued the pursuit, occupied Bursa and advanced its forward lines to the Dünboz - Aksu line. Our forces against it were too shaken. to Eskiÿehir. During these wars, the British landed a detachment in Mudanya on 25 June 1920 and in Bandÿrma on 2 July 1920. The two Greek divisions advancing east in the direction of Salihli entered Alaÿehir on 24 June. Afterwards, it advanced to this region, seizing Uÿak on 29 August and leaving the Dumlupÿnar ridges in our hands. The 23rd Division and our national forces, which were in the face of this enemy, lost a lot and were weakened. A Greek branch advancing from Aydÿn came as far as Nazilli. During this operation, you know that our divisions are in a dry squad, there are no war materials and there is no time for reinforcements yet. Gentlemen, I personally went to Eskiÿehir and from there to the further regions. I ordered our forces, both there and elsewhere, to be put in order. Again, I ensured the establishment of fronts under regular command against the enemy.

VIOLENT ATTACKS AND CRITICISM IN THE ASSEMBLY ON THE DECREASE OF NATIONAL FRONTS AGAINST THE GREEK ATTACK

Gentlemen, the Greek offensive and the deterioration of the national fronts caused great distress, severe attacks and criticisms in the Assembly. At the 41st meeting of the Grand National Assembly on 13 July 1920, Bursa Commander Bekir Sami and Governor Hâcim Muhittin Bey and Alaÿehir Commander Âÿir Bey were not presented to the war court because of their faults and misconduct. The proposals were read.

The owner of this motion was Afyonkarahisar Deputy Mehmet ÿükrü Bey. Sinop Deputy Hakkÿ Hami Bey's insistence on immediate punishment was met with "bravo" voices. Upon the cry of Mehmet ÿükrü Bey, who made the proposal, "We want to see that they are held responsible," a no-confidence question is accepted. On August 14, 1920, which was determined as the day of the investigation, the Chief of the General Staff replied. However, it was not possible to convince and appease. Karahisar Deputy ÿükrü Bey wants a "Questionnaire" (ls). Another deputy mentions that it is natural to punish some officers and commanders, and lists many examples. Another deputy says that a commander took 36 camels while the soldiers were withdrawing. Mentioning that it had invaded all cities and villages from Akhisar to Marmara coasts with lightning speed, the terrible damage we have suffered due to the Bursa disaster has aroused the general opinion that in the eyes of the world, what is called defense in Anatolia is a daunting task. He wanted those responsible to be punished.

Gentlemen, I had to intervene in the long and heated debate. After appreciating the sadness and interest of the Assembly in this very painful situation that has arisen, I made speeches and statements in order to calm the thoughts and feelings. After responding to minor attacks against my words, general explanations were deemed sufficient. Gentlemen, there was a similar meeting in a secret session on July 26, 1920, prior to these heated discussions, the details of which you can read in the minutes of the Assembly. There is also a long

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I was compelled to make a statement. Because, in the criticism and proposals made as a result of sadness and suffering, the real reasons that caused this defeat seemed to have been forgotten. As the cause of the whole disaster, the aim was to hold the Council of Ministers responsible, which was not even two months after its establishment and task. For more than a year, it was never thought that the Greek army had settled in the Izmir region and was constantly preparing, while the Istanbul Government was busy preparing conditions that would constantly paralyze our army, and did nothing but try to disperse and destroy the national forces that the nation could establish spontaneously. They did not want to see that if there had been some presence in the face of the Greek forces in this one year, it was the result of the self-disciplined perseverance and efforts of the five self-sacrifice. There was no one who thought and examined the military operation by understanding the real situation and considering the requirements of military service. The spoken words were uttered either with enthusiasm driven by the feeling of patriotism or as a result of exaggeration and lamentation. Among those who spoke, there were even those who doubted their national faith and patriotism, although it was rare. In this secret session we talked about, I specifically said during my long explanations: "Before disaster strikes, it is necessary to think about ways to prevent and defend against it." It's no use getting upset after you arrive. Before the Greek attack was made, it was known that it would be done with a strong probability. If there are no remedies and measures to prevent this, the responsibility for this cannot belong to the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its Government. The measures that the Grand National Assembly started to take after it came to the position of responsibility had to be taken seriously by the governments of Istanbul, together with the whole nation, since a year ago. Taking some forces from the front and putting them in charge of suppressing the internal rebellions was more important and necessary than the benefit of keeping them against the Greek forces. Yet it is. Although a division that must be left in Bursa, two divisions sent to the Adapazarÿ rebellion zone, a division dispersed in Hendek, that is, four divisions; If a division dealing with the rebels in the Zile, Yenihan region and the national detachments helping all these regular army forces had been kept at the front, perhaps the enemy offensive would not have developed so much. However, it is neither possible to try to stop the invasion steps of an external enemy, nor can a radical benefit and result be obtained unless solidarity is achieved by uniting at the point of the peace of the country and the liberation of the nation. However, if the state that I call the country and the nation can be preserved, the success of the enemy at any time and the fact that he has captured more territory as a result of this cannot escape from being temporary. A nation that is determined and persistent in unity and purpose can eventually make every proud and aggressive enemy regret this pride and aggression. For him, suppressing the internal revolts is of course more important than stopping the Greek offensive. It is difficult to assume that the outcome could have been otherwise if the force had not been separated from the front against the internal revolts. For example, the enemy attacked the northern front with three divisions. We didn't have enough force there for the front. There is no point in lamenting, "If our force at such a point, at such a stream, in such a village, or if our officers or commanders there had not allowed the enemy to pass, this disaster would not have happened to us." If the front is not a narrow front proportional to the force allocated to the defense, but is hundreds of kilometers wide, accepting the defense of a weak force here and there on this front to the end will mislead all imagination and reasoning. This is possible by having strong support behind, in reserve, apart from the forces on the front.However, was our national front against the Greek army in this situation and with this strength? Was there a military unit left in all of our Western Anatolian provinces, in Ankara and its surroundings, or rather in the whole country?

TO ESTABLISH A SERIOUS MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND SUCCESS IN IT TIME IS ESSENTIAL

It is not wise to wait for imaginary results without thinking that the people of the villages close to the battle lines can do it.

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Even after owning one, time is essential in order to establish a serious military organization and to be successful from it. Wasn't the basis of the force given to Bekir Sami Bey's command in Bursa, the two regiments that were handed over to the Greeks in Izmir without firing a rifle and landed in Mudanya with Greek ships? Did the Istanbul Governments take any measures to improve the morale of this force? Wasn't it the Istanbul Governments, before the Greek offensive, behind our forces trying to defend it in Balikesir, attacked Anzavur? Wasn't the Istanbul Government, the Caliph and the Sultan, a very strong division to be used in the Greek Front, the 24th? He had his division disbanded on the Hendek - Düzce road by being deceived by the Caliphate Army and rebel groups and had its commanders martyred. Could the Government, which had just assumed the responsibility of the destiny of the country, thought of mobilizing under the conditions of this date? At a time when the country was being dragged and forced to fulfill the ruling of the Caliph's fatwa, could it be considered right and possible by calling the nation to the military? Moreover, before calling the whole nation to arms, was it not necessary to consider the number of weapons, the amounts of ammunition and money and resources in order to keep the weapon in use? While examining the situation and considering precautions, one should not stay away from seeing the truth even if it is painful. There is no need or obligation to deceive ourselves and each other. We are not unaware of the situation and the needs of the fronts. Countless telegrams are coming to me from all sides: It is said, "Send large-scale regular forces, send this much ammunition, if they do not come, we will be defeated here." It is not to break the morale of the people, but to act in a way that gives strength, persistence and hope to resist suffering.

After that, of course, the situations will change, and the measures that will give hope and confidence to the whole country and nation will be implemented. It is no longer an obstacle. The government will also be able to recruit some of the natives.

GREENLORD

Distinguished Gentlemen; As I think it will help clear up some of the murky issues with ease, I will give your high delegation a Greenlord belly dancer: After the establishment of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its Government, an association was established in Ankara under the name of Yeÿilordu. The first founders of this association were very close and known friends. In order to explain the purpose of its establishment, it is necessary to remember the internal revolts and some situations and views of the army forces and national detachments sent against these revolts. It has been seen many times that the rebels easily deceived the soldiers of the army by talking about the caliph's fatwa, the Sultan's forgiveness of military service, and the legitimacy of the government in Ankara. Indeed, in many places, instead of fighting the rebels, some soldiers, on the contrary, were laying down their weapons and fighting back to their villages and homelands. It was understood that the national detachments understood the purpose of the revolution more easily and did not fall prey to the deceptions of the rebels. For this reason, the difficulties in achieving the revolution with troops that could be called the remnants of the Ottoman army, tired, weary and not trained according to the ideal of the new revolution at that time, were palpable. It was thought that bringing the army to a conscious state with a new mentality would be very difficult under the conditions of those days. In this respect, the idea of establishing a reliable organization for the revolution, which was chosen from conscious people with the required qualifications, began to take hold in the minds of some people. In the face of the internal turmoil that followed each other and showed bloody and dangerous situations, this thought and tendency was strengthened. Finally, some people actually attempted to establish such an organization. While I was looking for ways to revive and strengthen our army, I was also trying to take advantage of the national detachments that were inevitably established everywhere, despite all their drawbacks. However, the fact that important military duties that require serious discipline and unconditional and unwavering obedience can only be fulfilled with a regular army.

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Of course, it was impossible to forget. The use of national detachments could be based on the purpose of gaining time. Undoubtedly, it was desirable that the national detachments, which had to be used, could be formed from elite and conscious people. Close friends, who were among the first founders of the Green Horde organization, decided to take initiative and work themselves, just for the purpose of helping me and not to tire me out. They told me briefly about their undertaking, saying that they would do only a useful business. I haven't been able to deal with friends' ventures for a long time, as I was really busy. The Green Army organization was established as a secret organization in a way and expanded considerably. The Secretary General, Hakkÿ Behiç, and the board of directors in Ankara have done important and fundamental works. Printed statutes and their assigned officers were sent all over the place. However, I should point out that since those who are busy with the Green Army said that I know this job, that I am suitable and that I want it, there have been many people trying to expand and strengthen the organization on my behalf. The organization, which started its activities, came out of a limited area, such as forming only national detachments, and aimed at a very general purpose.

Among the founders of the organization were Çerkez Reÿit Bey, who was a member of parliament, and Çerkez Ethem and his brother Tevfik Bey, who would be traveling to and from Yozgat via Ankara. Moreover, all the men of Ethemve Tevfik Bey detachments formed the basis of the Green Horde.

ÇERKEZ ETHEM AND SOME OF ITS SISTERS WHO STARTED ATTRACTING FOR THE FIRST TIME ATTITUDE AND BEHAVIORS

Gentlemen, after this introduction, I would like to enlighten your high committee on some of the attitudes and behaviors of the Circassian Ethem Bey and his brothers, which started to attract attention for the first time. When Çerkez Ethem Bey was summoned to Ankara to go to Yozgat with a national detachment, firstly in the pursuit of Anzavur and then in the Düzce rebellion, he received compliments and appreciation from everyone. Undoubtedly, there are those who admire and praise him in an exaggerated way. The subsequent behavior of Ethem Bey and his siblings shows that they were proud of the laudatory treatment they received and that they had some delusions. Ethem Bey and one of his brothers, Tevfik Bey, began to see no harm in behaving humiliatingly and aggressively to each and every one of our military and national commanders, regardless of their rank and position, while they were busy suppressing the rebellion in Yozgat. Most of the commanders, who did not know Ethem Bey's personality, character and value, avoided as much conflict as possible, thinking that the country was in fire and Ethem Bey's service, which they heard exaggerated.

Taking the courage of this, Ethem and his brother Tevfik Bey thought that there were no worthy officers and commanders in the Turkish army and that they were heroes superior to everyone else, and they began not to hesitate to openly and recklessly express their thoughts to everyone. They gave orders directly to the governors and everyone and not to fulfill their orders. They added intimidation that they would be executed. Ethem Bey even tried to establish authority over Ankara and the government in Ankara. Supposedly, the Yozgat revolt emerged from the mismanagement of the Ankara governor, to which Yozgat was affiliated; therefore, he decided to apply the punishment he imposed on those who caused the riot, which was death by hanging, directly at the scene of the Ankara governor. The governor of Ankara, whom he wanted to be sent to Yozgat, was Yahya Galip Bey, who served and was very helpful in the National Struggle. It was known that Yahya Galip Bey was a very necessary and useful person whose service was especially appreciated by us. He thought that he could gain the greatest authority and influence by forcing us to hand over such a person to his own hand, to the gallows. Of course, we could not and did not give Yahya Galip Bey. Ethem and his brothers could not insist much on this issue. But in Yozgat, especially to the deputies: "When I return to Ankara, I will hang the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly in front of the Parliament" has been heard. Yozgat deputy Süleyman Sÿrrÿ Bey is among those who hear this talk. Despite all we have heard and learned, these brothers have always been

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We chose to keep it in a situation where we can take advantage of it. That's why we managed them. After Yozgat, we sent it to the Kütahya region via Ankara. To return to this subject again, I will bring the word to our main topic, the Green Horde. For your information, everywhere, they were establishing the Green Army organization in my name. In a letter sent by one of the people I know personally, Nazÿm Nazmi Bey from Erzurum, from Malatya, where he was assigned, it was me stated that there was an research effort toabout expand thisgreenhorde his secret organization society. Iinharmful have a way come form thatto pleased inthe terms view him. ofthat quality. Waking this association up from this hasnews, takenI adid

I thought it should be closed immediately. I enlightened my friends about this issue. I gave my opinion. They also did their due diligence. However, Hakkÿ Behiç Bey, the Secretary General, said that it was not possible to fulfill my proposal regarding the closure of the association. I said, I'll turn it off. He said in a peculiar way that this was also impossible, because the situation was bigger and stronger than he had imagined, and that those who founded this association had promised each other that they would stick with their purpose until the end. Events showed that although we tried to put an end to the activity of this secret society, we were not completely successful. Some of the notables of the association, especially Reÿit, Ethem and Tevfik brothers, continued their activities this time in a destructive way and against us. With the Yeni Dünya newspaper they published in Eskiÿehir, they were aggressively publishing their thoughts and aims.

CELALETTIN ARÿF, THE GOING OF HÜSEYÿN AVNÿ GUYS TO ERZURUM AND APPEAL THERE THE ISSUES THEY HAVE

Honorable Gentlemen, in the order I envision your follow-up, I will engage your high delegation a little with our Eastern Front. However, there is a phase before the situation I will focus on, which needs to be explained first.

Erzurum Deputy Celalettin Arif Bey, who was the Second President in the First Grand National Assembly, received permission from the Assembly for two months with a petition dated 15 August 1920. The excuse he put forward was constant headaches due to mental fatigue. At the same time, he wanted to inspect the constituency he had not seen for a long time. Celalettin Arif Bey specifically requested that Hüseyin Avni Bey, one of the Erzurum deputies, be sent with him. Hüseyin Avni Bey had no specific excuse to ask permission from the Assembly. I was going to send him on a special mission. I requested this from the Assembly on August 18, 1920. Accepted.

After the arrival of Celâleddin Arif and Hüseyin Avni Bey in Erzurum, I received three encrypted telegrams from Celaleddin Arif Bey on 10, 15 / 16 and 16 September 1920. According to these telegrams, there was tension and fusion among the people of Erzurum... But when they heard of Celalettin Arif Bey's move from Ankara to Erzurum, the people preferred to wait... The reason for the fusion was related to army warehouses, loss of rifles and ammunition, and milk distribution. Celalettin Arif Bey wanted quickness in matters such as the replacement and punishment of some civil servants. Colonel Kazÿm Bey (ÿzmir Governor Kazÿm Pasha), who was the Deputy Governor of Erzurum, was in charge of the replacement and punishment of the said officials. Since it was decided to appoint Kazÿm Bey, the former Governor of Adana, to the governorship of Erzurum in consultation with the public, Celalettin Arif Bey decided to send a notification via Trabzon and until Kazÿm Bey arrived. After talking about the election of a deputy governor by means of a popular vote, he reported that there were fears of dangerous consequences if the growing mingling of the people was not quelled immediately by a positive response. In his last telegram: It was stated that since Ankara did not take the complaint into consideration, the issue could turn into a loss of confidence in Ankara.

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Gentlemen, there was terrible corruption and corruption in our corps in the East... The degree of corruption has increased so much that it touched the patriotism of the people... it caused them to fuse with violence... However, neither the deputy of the nevali in Erzurum nor the corps commander understood this general and insurmountable fusion. ! . . None of the officials, no related persons could notice such a fusion, and no one was found to inform the Government. They braked... They reveal it with the arrival of the Deputy Gentlemen.

Honestly, Masters, I could never believe this information. I found it meaningful and amazed that Celalettin Arif Bey and Hüseyin Avni Bey each found an excuse to go to Erzurum. Especially, I was amazed to see that the proposal for the appointment of the governor by applying to the general vote of the people came from Celalettin Arif Bey, who had been a professor of law, was known as a lawman, and was appointed as the Second Presidency of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey from the Presidency of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.

On 16/17 September 1920, I informed the Second President of the Grand National Assembly in Erzurum that his telegrams were read in the Council of Ministers and that communication was being made with the Front Command on this matter. After summarizing Celalettin Arif Bey's telegrams from the Eastern Front Command, I asked for information and asked his opinion.

CELALETTIN ARÿF IS REQUESTED TO APPOINTMENT TO THE GOVERNORSHIP OF THE EAST PROVINCES WITH WIDE AUTHORITY

On September 19, I received a coded telegram from Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, the Commander of the Eastern Front, which was written before my telegram on 14 September 1920. In this telegram, the following thoughts were added after saying "I would like to suggest and propose that Celalettin Arif Bey be appointed to the Eastern Provinces and Governorship, to include the provinces of Rize, Trabzon, Erzurum, Erzincan, Van, Bayazit and other regions deemed appropriate by the Supreme Assembly": "If this proposal is accepted and implemented, apart from the benefit to be gained from performing both military and civilian duties with due care and diligence, another person will be found as a deputy to discuss important matters and to fulfill the requirements quickly when appropriate. I hope that the above-mentioned matter will be accepted and approved by the Grand National Assembly, taking into account the importance it deserves, and I request the help and help of high personalities in this matter." The situation was discussed with Celalettin Arif Bey with its main lines and it was found appropriate by them, although the decision on this issue was decided by the National Assembly. It is subject to the approval and approval of the . Gentlemen, Celalettin Arif Bey, who talks about corruption in the army, the unification of the people, the election of governor with the popular vote of Erzurum, and the fact that there will be distrust in Ankara if a positive answer is not given quickly, is meeting with the commander of the army and has him proposed to the Governorship of Eastern Provinces with wide authority. The Army Commander also seems unaware of Celalettin Arif Bey's complaint against himself as a result. It was impossible not to accept the situation as a game arranged for a special purpose and also as a scene of negligence. In the reply of Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha to my telegram dated September 16/17, on September 18: "What Celalettin Arif Bey reported is based on the rumors that a few people made just to drive the Deputy Governor Colonel Kazÿm Bey away from Erzurum. Unfortunately, I think Celalettin Arif Bey took the wrong path. To me, who has earned the respect and trust of the whole East, from the little ones to the elders, it is the result of not making the aforementioned complaints and knowing that those who want to do business will not be successful..." Celalettin Arif Bey suggested that Colonel Kazÿm Bey be removed from Erzurum from the position of Deputy Governor and Deputy Corps Commander. Internal Affairs

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I informed him that it would be possible by the order of the Ministry of Health and by taking over the Deputy Governor, that is, Celalettin Arif Bey. I think that Celalettin Arif Bey's unofficial status in Erzurum could break his influence. In order for the work they started to be completed calmly and successfully, it is imperative that he immediately take over the Deputy Governor of Erzurum. If deemed appropriate, he will then be appointed to the Eastern Provinces Inspectorate or Governorship. I probably don't accept that the fusion and tension they bet on has subsided for the time being upon their presence. I accept such a statement as the bold statements of someone who sees that he is given so much importance...

CELALETTIN ARÿF BECOME HIS OWN DEPUTY GOVERNOR OF ERZURUM

In my reply to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha's telegrams dated September 14 and 18, on September 20, I wrote exactly the relevant article of the law dated September 8, 1920, stating that a member of the Grand National Assembly and the duty of civil servant cannot be held at the same time as a person. neither assignment is possible. I said that if he resigns from his deputyship, it may be proposed to the Government to be appointed as the Governor with the said province.

However, Gentlemen, on 18 September, the last telegraph date of Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, the situation we reported on 20 September, contrary to the provision of the law, was taken in Erzurum... I became aware of this illegal situation through a telegram written on September 18 and received on September 21 by Celalettin Arif Bey, who is also the new Minister of Justice of Turkey. The telegram of the Minister of Justice, who was the Deputy Governor of Erzurum by himself, is as follows: Erzurum, 18.9.1920 To His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, President of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara Upon your honorable high telegrams sent to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha, we had a thorough discussion with him on the issues presented. Pasha, they do not want to understand the horror of the situation and those in his entourage are protected in every way. I would like to appoint the 4th Division Commander, Halit Bey, who has won the respect of the people, in order to placate the fusion of the public as soon as possible, in order to thoroughly examine the rumors of corruption in the Church with weapons, military equipment and other materials, and to deliver those who attempt these things to the clutches of the law. Since an audit of army accounts is also required, sending a finance inspector immediately is at your highest discretion. In a letter I just received from Kazÿm Pasha, Mr. Kazÿm Bey, who had previously decided to withdraw from his position as the deputy governor unconditionally, gave up his decision and informed me in writing that he would transfer the power of attorney to me or to a deputy to be appointed by the Ministry of Interior. Since the continuation of his deputyship was also considered inconvenient and dangerous, I had to take the deputyship on myself in a couple of days, waiting for the order from the Internal Affairs, due to the kindness of the situation and in order to avoid any possible confusion in the country. The people of Erzurum request the appointment of Hüseyin Avni Bey, one of the friends whose deputyship is desired, to the deputy governor. Since the public opinion can be appeased thanks to these proposals I have put forward, the fulfillment of what is necessary depends on the decision of the individual states. Minister of Justice Celalettin Arif

Gentlemen, this attitude and telegrams of Celalettin Arif Bey, the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly and the Minister of Justice, became an incomprehensible puzzle for us. The situation was very important and kind. In my opinion, the reason for this kindness and importance was not a fait accompli that Celalettin Arif and his collaborators dreamed of realizing, the attitude they took for this purpose, or what they thought they were doing. There is no doubt that those who think that there will be hesitancy and delay in finding and implementing countermeasures of unexpected events will be deceived.

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WHEN WE MADE THE DECISION TO ATTACK ARMENIA ON THE EASTERN FRONT

It was indeed very important and very kind. Because these days, we had decided to attack the Armenians on the Eastern Front. We were preparing and taking measures for this. Necessary orders and instructions were given to the Commander of the Eastern Front. In the East, after the alleged army, the Minister of Justice of the Government finds it as a remedy and the only way out to unlawfully pretend to be the deputy governor of that province in order to expose the alleged theft and corruption of the members of that army.

The Front Commander, who went from Erzurum to his headquarters at the front, finally says on September 22:

The offer I had made to his own states for the appointment of Celâleddin Arif Bey to the General Governorship of the Eastern Provinces was made and felt by me. It was the result of a thought that was warmly welcomed by me. Since the facts have emerged with the attempts and applications of Celalettin Arif Bey regarding Erzurum, it is submitted for your information that I have of course given up on my proposal to appoint him as the General Governor. Eastern Front Commander Kazÿm Karabekir

CELALETTIN ARÿF BEY'S ULTIMATOM

I received a telegram of the same date, that is, September 22, 1920, from the Deputy Chairman of the Grand National Assembly, who took over the Deputy Governor of Erzurum. It is said in this telegram: "Corruption in weapons and ammunition, provisions and abandoned goods, illegal and unlimited tax collection, unlawful pressure and tyranny have completely hurt the feelings of the people... We came here at a time when he considered it the only solution to salvation.Karabekir Pasha's action was not in line with the interests of the country.Therefore, the people collectively insisted on the need to immediately put an end to the open evil and corruption and punish those who did. Even though Pasha was included, he was asked by the people.

I wrote that it is necessary to give the deputyship to Hüseyin Avni Bey. Announcement that Hüseyin AvniBey, whom the . people of Erzurum count as one of them and show their trust, has been assigned up to twenty-four hours. . Celalettin Arif" (Document: 258). Honorable Sirs, it was we who introduced the principle of self-government by the people. But by this, we never meant that each province or each region should establish a separate administrative union. We clearly stated our purpose in the first days of the Grand National Assembly. Our purpose and aim, which was also accepted by the Assembly, was expressed as the National Assembly, the only place where the national will manifests itself, took the fate of the whole country in its hands. The way that a person who is one of the presidents of this Assembly and who is a minister in the government as well as the Minister of Justice will use to reveal an illegal act in the army or anywhere and deliver those responsible to the clutches of the law, following some idiots, is a truly patriotic, truly patriotic person I know very well. Would it be to take a rebellious situation that my fellow citizens of Erzurum could never consent to?

He wants Hüseyin Avni Bey to be appointed as Acting Governor up to 24 hours. Did this ultimatum make sense?

Celalettin Arif Bey made this offer to Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha. . Kâzÿm Karabekir Pasha said to him, "Hüseyin Avni Bey, as a second lieutenant, is not an official person who entertains the officers on stage.

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He is an ordinary man who has not been on duty. To do this as deputy governor would be to want to play the Government." Gentlemen, my answer to Celalettin Arif Bey's ultimatum was as follows: Password Cannot Be Delayed Number: 388 Ankara, 23.9.1920 To the Minister of Justice Celalettin Arif Beyefendi in Erzurum Relevance: Password dated 22.9.1920: I have taken your first telegram into serious consideration and I have written that communication is being made with the Eastern Front Command. It was quite natural that the aforementioned command would fulfill its requirements. Despite this, your unlawful and inaccurate proposals and attempts, one after another, were met with astonishment by the Government. The necessary notifications were made to the relevant authorities by the Ministries of Interior and National Defense. You must return to Ankara immediately to make statements deemed necessary by the Government and, if necessary, to make statements before the Assembly. Mustafa Kemal, President of the Grand National Assembly Gentlemen, Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha gave the following information in a cipher dated September 22, 1920: Now I understand that Celâleddin Arif Bey, who wanted to grab some cones with him while he was still in Ankara, made a good program. For instance, Hüseyin Avni Bey will be the governor of Erzurum...Celalettin Arif Bey will be the Governor-General of the Eastern Provinces... Celalettin Arif Bey is either acting as an actor or I haven't decided yet, he is very smart, he wants to do a job himself. Because writing Halit Bey without asking me and resisting Hüseyin Avni Bey has no other meaning. Since Halit Bey is not on good terms with Colonel Kazÿm Bey, a decision may be made against Kazÿm Bey. Hüseyin Avni Bey becomes a nice toy under the name of the governor. Those who hear that Hüseyin Avni Bey has been offered as the deputy governor are in despair and learn. In summary, Mithat Bey, the brother of Erzurum Deputy Necati Bey, who was recently appointed to the Directorate of National Education, thinks that the public understands Bolshevikism as the seizing of positions by those who can't do a job. This person is not liked by the majority because he is selfinterested. Since the people could not find me suitable for forming a government, I think that the matter was prepared and decided in advance by communicating with Celalettin Arif and Hüseyin Avni Bey.

Gentlemen, my telegram of 23 September inviting Celalettin Arif Bey to Ankara was met with a very harsh telegram dated 24 September. This telegram was addressed to the Presidency of the Assembly and carried the note "It will be read in the Council of Ministers and the Grand National Assembly". Taking the two words in my telegram, the words "unlawful" and "mishandled", Celalettin Arif Bey presented his initiatives and proposals in Erzurum. He was weighing these two words one at a time. "Is this illegal?" "Is his boom inaccurate?" he defended himself. It will not be difficult to appreciate which of them is not illegal and which is not found to be inaccurate, as it can be understood from the information given, what his works are. Celalettin Arif Bey, after saying, "I would expect the Council of Ministers to believe that the illegal and wrong proposal would not come from me," said: "I believe that there will be friends among you who will appreciate my claims," he said, revealing that it is only possible to appreciate him by being his wife and friend. He also stated that he could not return to Ankara without examining the region.

THE HERO ABUSE THE FRIEND HUG THAT THE PEOPLE OF ERZURUM OPENED TO ME I NEVER HOPE YOU CAN USE IT

Gentlemen, I also informed the Istanbul Government from Erzurum that I would not be able to return to Istanbul. If the place of invitation and the owner of the invitation were the same, one might almost think that a strange nazire was made. However, since the conditions were completely different, he opposed Istanbul's invitation.

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I never thought that the heroic people of Erzurum, who opened their arms of loyalty and self-sacrifice, could abuse this embrace of sincerity. Even the fifty signed telegrams I received from the officials and the public on September 28, 1920, on the name of Erzurum public representatives, did not shake my belief. However, the telegram was very rude and rebellious. However, most of the signatures belonged to the provincial officers, for whom Celâletin Arif Bey was acting governor. Couldn't the signature of the person who was a member of the Court of Appeal and who was appointed as the Deputy Chief of Police by Celalettin Arif Bey, not be considered as evidence of how the butelgram could be the product of an ugly mentality? It did not take long to realize that this telegram was prepared by some people gathered at the house of Mithat Bey, the Director of Education. Gentlemen, Celalettin Arif Bey supported their proposals with the signature of Tevfik, the Chairman of Erzurum Central Committee, saying that we absolutely would like to take action as stated by Celalettin Arif Bey, while on the other hand, it was wanted to do some work and understand the effect of the attempt by making encrypted communications with Ankara. . Erzurum 21/22.9.1920 Ankara to the Ministry of National Education

To Erzurum Deputy Necati Bey: If possible, it is appropriate to help the Central Medical Doctor Salim Bey to be appointed to the Health Directorate. The previous appointments were far from serious. . Be sure to take our allowances and transfer them from Ziraat Bank. Written to the Assembly (Hüseyin Avni) Director of Education myth After that: Erzurum 22.9.1920 Ankara to the Ministry of National Education

Special to Rÿza Nur Beyefendi: What kind of results have been obtained from the works I have written so far? What has passed on this issue in the Council of Ministers? Please, I ask you to give me information, I kiss your eyes. (Celâleddin Arif) Director of Education Mithat Later: Very urgent Erzurum 25.9.l920 Ankara to the Ministry of National Education

Special for Rÿza Nur and Necati Bey: Mobilization was declared in June in order to bring the Armenians back to life, with a total of twenty-two thousand soldiers, nine thousand of whom had been in war and thirteen thousand of whom had not been to war, until three hundred and five (1305/1889) were born, and the food of the officer's family was almost burdened on the people of Erzurum province. One and a half million liras worth of food, animals and vehicles were purchased by collecting war taxes. After the people appreciated the greatness of the cause and sacrificed so much, the well-known letter of Yicherin left the military operation inconclusive, the Armenians took courage from this, while the Muslim people were persecuting, the army showed discouragement by claiming the Armenian Bolshevik unification and agreed with the Reds to the desired extent, besides these, Celalettin The corruption that Arif Bey wrote had a very bad effect, leading the people to revolt and desperation. presence of a delegation is essential. Until now, precious times have been spent with unnecessary correspondence with files in Ankara, perhaps many opportunities have been lost. On the other hand, Erzurum's difficult times have come in terms of seasons. Although it is necessary to protect the army, there are many problems regarding clothing and nutrition. Military and civil servants have not been paid for four months.

If they are considering imposing new taxes on military expenses, they do not know the power of the people. their status

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It is never convenient. The Istanbul Government is indifferent. Nearby provinces, especially the province of Harput, are completely indifferent and do not show any interest. Ask the government for research on such matters, if necessary, by making a motion of no confidence in your parliament on my behalf, and come there after the needs of the army are definitely met. I did not believe the news about the eastern provinces. Signed: Hüseyin Avni. Mithat, Director of Education

It can be seen that the one among the members of the Government, whom Celalettin Arif thought would appreciate his allegations and whom he tried to use the password of his office, did not want to be his confidant and informed the Presidency of the Assembly. Gentlemen, the inner face of the game, which was intended to be played by telegraphing forty-fifty people on behalf of the entire Erzurum people, was understood by the telegram from the people of Erzurum, which showed that the people were full of devotion and self-sacrifice towards the Government of the Grand National Assembly. Celalettin Arif Bey had to decide to leave Erzurum after he saw with his own eyes that the Army of the Grand National Assembly had finally won the victory in the Armenian campaign, that is, exactly forty-seven days after he received the notification for his return. Despite this, he was giving the good news of his movement to the Assembly with the following telegram: Erzurum, 27.11.1920 to the Presidency of the Grand National Assembly

Celalettin Arif, the Deputy Speaker of the Grand National Assembly and the Minister of Justice, together with our deputy Hüseyin Avni Bey, left the people of Erzurum with a grand and bright farewell ceremony yesterday, despite the severity of winter, and hereby express our endless respect to the Assembly. we present. Chairman of the Central Committee of the Defense of the Law Tevfik After returning from Erzurum, Hüseyin Avni and Celalettin Arif Bey occupied the Parliament a lot with their oppositional attitudes and attacks and criticisms against Kazÿm Karabekir Pasha.

THE WAR STARTS WITH THE ARMENIANS ON OUR EASTERN FRONT

Distinguished Sirs, our rushing work on our eastern borders is not suitable for further examination of the trace left by Celalettin Arif Bey in the history of the revolution of Erzurum. If you wish, let's move on to the serious affairs of those days on our borders: It is also known by your high committee that since the Armistice of Mudros, Armenians have not stopped for a moment to kill Turks en masse, both inside Armenia and near the border. On June 9, 1920, we declared temporary mobilization in the Eastern region. We appointed the Commander of the 15th Corps, Kâzÿm Karabekir Pasha, the Commander of the Eastern Front. In June 1920, the Armenians, acting against the local Turkish administration established in Oltu, captured that region. An ultimatum was given to the Armenians by our Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 7 July 1920. The Armenians continued their movements in the same way. Finally, three and a half months after the mobilization, the war started with the attack of the Armenians on our forces gathered in Kötek and Bardiz regions.

On the morning of September 24, 1920, the Armenians succeeded with a general attack from the Bardiz front. Lords; While I was reading this troubling report of the Eastern Front, I was receiving the well-known ultimatum of Celâlettin Arif Bey, written on September 24, the day of the Armenian attack (Document: 259). The Armenians were repulsed and expelled from the areas they entered. Our army moved forward on the morning of September 28. On the same day, fifty signatures of Erzurum attack Ankara. . . . It is as if these Masters have agreed with the Armenians to take action What a bad coincidence! against us...

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The army entered Sarÿkamÿÿ on September 29, and Merdenek was occupied on September 30. However, for some reasons and thoughts, he stayed on the Sarÿkamÿÿ - Lâloÿlu line for a month until October 28, 1920. You might guess that one of these reasons is the situation created by Cel â I Edd nArif Bey and his friends in Erzurum. Indeed, Kâzÿm Karabekir Pasha's telegram taken from Sarÿkamÿÿ on September 29, 1920 said: It was stated that after visiting the front on September 30 and giving the necessary instructions, he would go to Erzurum and conclude the incident that took place there.

Kâzÿm Karabekir Pasha, in a code he wrote to Celâlettin Arif Bey from Sarÿkamÿÿ on September 30, 1920: "The open telegram sent on behalf of the people of Erzurum with forty-fifty signatures means that the foreign enemies will spend millions on their behalf. It is a document that he cannot obtain. Since I see this open telegram, which is more important and dangerous than the event itself, more destructive than the danger and threat of external enemies, and that its heavy consequences are more important than the situation at the front, I will inform you that I will come to Erzurum tomorrow." In his telegram dated 5/6 October 1920, Celalettin Arif Bey was informing that since there were many officers and senior officers who were especially valuable in the patriotic army and gained the trust of the people, the corruption complaints did not grow to such an extent that it would affect the endurance and discipline principles of the army.

A KNOWN FACT ABOUT OUR ARMY'S SUPERVISOR AND OFFICERS

Of course, I was very pleased to have heard, even for the hundred and eightyth time, a secret truth that I already knew about the senior officers and officers of our armies that I commanded in various battlefields of the country for years. Gentlemen, our Eastern Army, waiting for the order to be given on the battlefield, started its movement on Kars on October 28, 1920. The enemy left Kars without resistance. Kars was occupied by us on 30 October. On November 7, our troops captured the region up to Arpaçay and Gyumri. The Armenians applied for a ceasefire and peace on 6 November. We informed the Armenian army about the articles of the ceasefire agreement on 8 November through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Peace negotiations, which started on 26 November, ended on 2 January, and the Gyumri Treaty was signed on the night of 2/3 January.

THE FIRST AGREEMENT MADE BY THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT: GUMRU AGREEMENT

Gentlemen, the Gyumri Treaty is the first treaty signed by the National Government. With this treaty, Armenia, to which our enemies had donated the Turkish countries that stretched all the way to the Harÿit valley in their dreams, lost with the 1877 campaign of the Ottoman Empire, and these places were left to us, to the National Government, and were eliminated. Due to the significant changes in the world's conditions, the Moscow Agreements of 16 March 1921 and Kars Agreements of 13 November 1921 were applied instead of this agreement.

Gentlemen, we are in contact with the general situation of that region and our borders. Let me give you some brief information about our relations with Georgia and the events between us: In July 1920, when Batumi was evacuated by the British, the Georgians immediately occupied it. Since this situation was against the Brest - Litovsk and Trabzon Treaties, we were protested on 25 July 1920.

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On February 8, 1921, negotiations began with the Georgian ambassador, who presented his credentials in Ankara, for the Turkey-Georgia agreement. Finally, upon a definite ultimatum given on February 23, 1921, Ardahan, Artvin and Batumi were agreed to be left to us. The occupation of Batumi took place fifteen days after this date. These places were entered with the applause of the people who were eagerly waiting to join Turkey.

Later, Batumi was evacuated in accordance with the Moscow Treaty; but it has been reinforced that the other places we have occupied remain within the borders of the homeland.

THE SITUATION IN THRACE

Gentlemen, let's take a look at the situation of Thrace in the current times: In Eastern Thrace, the Thrace - Paÿaeli Central Committee of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association held a congress. This congress gave the administration of Thrace to the Thrace - Paÿaeli Central Committee. C afer Tayyar (C afer Tayyar Pasha), who was the Corps Commander in Thrace, was elected as a member of our Parliament as a deputy of Edirne, although he was in this Central Committee. The instruction we gave to the Thrace Central Committee and the Corps Commander was based on the principle that the fate of Thrace could be resolved together with the fate of the whole country. The directive we gave in terms of military operations was as follows: If attacked by superior forces, it will be resisted to the end, and even if Thrace is completely subjugated and occupied, any proposed solution will not be accepted on its own. It was already stated that this was the decision of the commander in Thrace. However, lately, Commander Cafer Tayyar Bey had gone to Istanbul if the invitation made upon the guarantee given by foreigners had been complied with, and informed us of the situation only after his return. Apparently, ideas were suggested that Eastern Thrace could not survive on its own, but could unite with Western Thrace and survive thanks to the administration of a foreign state. . . In any case, some propaganda has been made that will break the spiritual power. . . While Cafer Tayyar Bey was in Istanbul, Muhittin Bey, one of the division commanders, was appointed as the Corps Commander from Istanbul. Cafer Tayyar Bey was allowed to return to Thrace. After meeting with Istanbul circles, Cafer Tayyar Bey did not take over the command of the corps, despite Muhittin Bey's offer, he left it over Muhittin Bey. Thus, the fate of Thrace was left to the influence of Istanbul's political circles.

Gentlemen, when the Grand National Assembly was opened, the battle order of the 1st Corps in Thrace was as follows:

Corps headquarters in Edirne 60th Division: Around Keÿan, Edirne, Uzunköprü; 55th Division: In Tekirdag region; 49th Division: In Kÿrklareli region. The Greek army landed a division in Tekirdag on 20 July 1920, after having succeeded in its general offensive on the Western Front in Anatolia. The 55th Division, which was in a very scattered situation in the Tekirdaÿ region, started to march towards Edirne before the Greek Division had time to gather.

The Greek forces, who wanted to attack from Western Thrace by crossing the Maritsa, attacked the 60th Bey (Interior Cemil Bey, who commands the Division, and Minister on 15 Cemi) Junein that region.

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