International Association for Media and Communication Research Asociación internacional de estudios en comunicación social Association internationale des études et recherches sur l’information et la communication

IAMCR 2016 Law Section Abstracts of papers accepted for presentation at the annual conference of the International Association for Media and Communication Research

IAMCR

Leicester, UK 27-31 July 2016

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Id: 12272 Title: Political Legitimacy and Media Regulation in China Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Yik Chan Chin Email: ycchin (at) hkbu.edu.hk Country: HK (Hong Kong) Affiliation: Hong Kong Baptist University Abstract: This paper explores how a change in political legitimacy affects functions of media law and regulation in China, and argues that the attempts to recast the foundations of the legitimacy of the Chinese state have shaped the discourse of the rule of law in general and the country’s broadcasting regulatory strategies and structure in particular. As communist ideology, economic performance and official virtue decline, the Chinese state has moved to expand its legitimacy in a number of ways, including through acquiring performance-based credibility, and by strengthening the legal-rational underpinnings of the exercise of power. The idea of improving the rule of law has become one of the most frequently mentioned strategies in maintaining legitimacy. The Party-state has appealed to the rule of law in order to rationalize and legitimize its regulation of the broadcasting media . However, the strategy of “administration according to law” in the Chinese broadcasting sector was primarily driven by a concern for legal legitimacy, and the legitimization efforts have primarily centered on the procedural aspects of the rule of law. The advantages of this is a promise of some degree of predictability, some limitation of arbitrariness and some protection of media rights and freedom, but in the absence of democracy and with the marginalization of public participation in the law-making process, the state and broadcasting authority can also enact illiberal laws that restrict media freedom. This paper will first outline the structures of media regulation in the People’s Republic of China, and the ways they are changing under the broader influence of the Chinese state’s attempts to strengthen its political legitimacy. The paper will therefore explore the question of political legitimacy, which links the state and society. It will go on to shows how changes in political legitimacy affect the function of law in Chinese media regulation, the paper will end by discussing the implications and limits of rule of law in Chinese media regulation.

Id: 12277 Title: A Privacy Tug of War: The European Right to Forgotten and the US First Amendment Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Kristie Byrum Email: kbyrum (at) bloomu.edu Country: US (United States) Affiliation: Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania Abstract: Privacy activists and First Amendment advocates struggle in a virtual tug of war, thanks to the European “Right to Be Forgotten” as it traverses across the Atlantic Ocean to the United States. The European Protection Data Act casts new light on the U.S. Constitution’s First Amendment and evokes questions about the future of American privacy rights. U.S. consumer advocates have urged the Federal Trade Commission to adopt “Right to Be Forgotten” provisions similar to European laws regulating online activities, and these movements challenge First Amendment frameworks, notably the Marketplace of Ideas Theory and the Mieklejohnian Theory. While some assert privacy law in the United States may be applied or adapted to conform to the “Right To Be Forgotten,” a new stream of privacy laws may controvert First Amendment principles. It can be argued that implementation of the Right to Be Forgotten in an era of big data assumes formation of a grand arbiter who administers decisions on content removal, thus threatening free flow of information by centralizing content judgments in specific sources. Creation of an arbiter affronts the First Amendment by precluding free flow of information and endangers the robust debate that functions as the foundation for democracy in the United States. At issue in this debate is a notion that has captured the global attention of scholars and legal analysts “The Right to Be Forgotten,” defined as third parties “forgetting” your past, is a controversial topic among legal scholars, government officials and private enterprises now facing government intervention in data control matters. The term, incorporated into the European General Data Protection Regulation, stipulates an individual should have the right to rectify personal data, thus granting individuals the right to remove data. Other terms used to describe the situation include “right of erasure” or “oblivion,” leading to definitional conversations among legal scholars worldwide coping with issues of privacy and information flow. Administration of “Right to Be Forgotten” provisions present complications, particularly for U.S.-based media businesses and search engines. When contemplating the Right to be Forgotten as applied to search engines in the US, a multitude of media law issues emerge. Constitutional theories of the First Amendment are relevant, as activists opposing government regulation of data assert violations of the free flow of information. Closely tied to principles of market economics, the Marketplace of Ideas theory resonates throughout American culture and serves as a foundation for the public relations profession. A second contention

countering the "Right to Be Forgotten" is the Meiklejohnian Theory, a tenet that holds freedom of expression as a means to successful self-government, thus a fundamental aspect of democracy. This paper explores the agitation between privacy activists and First Amendment advocates in light of the European Right to be Forgotten as it washes onto the United States shores.

Id: 12289 Title: Libertad de expresión, ofensas a la religión y terrorismo Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Juan Martinez Email: juanmartinezotero (at) gmail.com Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Universidad CEU - Cardenal Herrera Abstract: La presente comunicación se propone analizar el conflicto entre libertad de expresión y la libertad religiosa, particularmente en relación con las ofensas a la religión. Resulta paradójico que ciertas ofensas a la religión, como la blasfemia, son consideradas en amplias zonas del mundo como un delito, al tiempo que en otros países -particularmente Occidentales-, se han comenzado a reivindicar como un derecho. En un contexto globalizado, al preguntarnos sobre los orígenes de los derechos comunicativos y sobre su desarrollo futuro, resulta trascendental reflexionar sobre los límites de los mismos. Y, en particular, sobre sus límites en relación con las creencias religiosas. Esta reflexión se hace particularmente urgente en la actualidad, cuando hemos presenciado cómo en reiteradas ocasiones individuos concretos se toman la justicia por su mano y responden con violencia a burlas o críticas más o menos fundadas a su religión. Los atentados contra los responsables del semanario francés Charlie Hebdo, el asesinato del cineasta holandés Theo Van Gogh, o la fatwa contra el escritor Salman Rushdie son algunos de los episodios más dramáticos y recientes de esta historia de tensiones entre derechos comunicativos y sentimientos religiosos. El estudio se centrará en la regulación y la jurisprudencia españolas, haciendo un recorrido histórico sobre la normativa aplicable a las ofensas a la religión y su interpretación por los jueces. En cualquier caso, las reflexiones contenidas en la comunicación se abrirán a un contexto mayor, por lo que confío en que puedan ser de interés a juristas y comunicadores de muchos otros países.

Id: 12316 Title: The legislative policy of the freedom of information law in Egypt: - the views of academicians, legal experts and Media personnel Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Miral Sabry EL Ashry Email: miral_sabry (at) yahoo.com Country: EG (Egypt) Affiliation: Egypt Abstract: The main topic of the study revolves around the law of freedom of information exchange with regard to legislation and absence of a comprehensive vision for the public sharing of data, information and knowledge in contemporary Egyptian society. In addressing the research topic, a survey research was conducted over a sample of 192 subject units of three different categories: academicians, legal experts and media personnel in Egypt. Indeed, there is a dire need for a law that controls and guarantees information flow inside Egypt. The importance of the current study stems from the need to address the of freedom of information law, the international experience of the freedom of information trading and the vision of academics, legal experts and media personnel for the legislative policy of the freedom of information law in Egypt. Research questions were stated as following:- What is the social reality of the Freedom of Information Law in Egypt? What is the Freedom of Information Act? What is the legislative framework for the circulation of information? Findings showed that there no relationship of statistical function between the work sectors of research individuals and their estimation of the law of freedom of information exchange before the 25th January Revolution. Furthermore, researchers’ vision varies towards the absence of freedom of information exchange in Egypt according to their work sectors. Research implications reveal that the issue of information freedom is a substantial topic that needs further scholarly examination.

Id: 12318 Title: Public information, databases and Big Data in Argentina Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Sergio Ricardo Quiroga Email: sergioricardoquiroga (at) gmail.com Country: AR (Argentina) Affiliation: Coordinator Chair Thinking Latin American Communication ' Argentina ' Instituto Cultural Argentino de Educación Superior (ICAES) Abstract: This paper examines in the context of technological spin the interrelationships between public information and databases in the Argentine context and development of massive data. The emergence, development and expansion of Internet, technological transformation, the use of connecting devices and storage of small size has changed the professional and daily lives of many citizens. The right of access to public information stipulates that every citizen can access information held by the state or has been created with public funds. The right to public information is vital to strengthen and improve public institutions and has been enshrined in the National Constitution and international treaties. In Argentina the National Public Data Portal created by Decree Law 1172/2003 was developed as part of the National System of Public Information (SINDAP), in order to guarantee the right of access to public information. We see today a time characterized as the second wave of the revolution in information technology (ICT) stage that began with the mass proliferation of smaller, increasingly powerful and portable devices that take and retake the huge mass of data they generate, to produce constant dynamic new information. The concept of "big data" can be characterized as those consisting of three components: the automatic generation of sets of large and diverse data that are primarily the result of the digitization of modern societies, it’s processing algorithms and their use for the decision-making and regulation in the private or public sector. This includes effects such as profiles, monitoring, predictive analysis and risk calculation. In Argentina Law No. 25,326, a rule of public order regulates the activity of the databases that record personal information. Its purpose is to ensure that people control the use of their personal data. It should be understood by database intended to provide reports to that record, file, database or data to obtain information about people, are or not to third parties; because treatment involves a probable risk of prejudicing the owner of the data.

Id: 12338 Title: The right to information and the trace of José María Desantes in Chile Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: María Verónica Figueroa Email: figueroa.mv (at) gmail.com Country: CL (Chile) Affiliation: Universidad Católica del Maule, Chile Abstract: José María Desantes, the first professor of the right to information at the Spanish University, developed his own theory based on Article 19 of The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, United Nations, 1948. The deepest roots of his theory originated from great thinkers and philosophers: Aristotle, from Ancient Greece; Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Middle Age; and Francisco de Vitoria, the Spanish Renaissance Roman Catholic philosopher, theologian and jurist. All of them were precursors of the ius communicationis. In his multiple trips to Chile, from 1985 to 2001, José María Desantes spread his ideas, formed disciples and made changes in journalistic practices and the dissemination of information, at universities and institutions where he taught, lectured, and held seminars. His work had an impact on Chilean professors, mainly from the Schools of Journalism. The present work investigates, through a qualitative methodology, the real dimension of his influence, by means of in-depth interviews of his Chilean disciples, and the reviews of articles and books written by Chilean authors about communication and information, between the years 1985 and 2006. The right to information concept came to Chile with José María Desantes when this country was under a military dictatorship since 1973. At the time, the Government controlled the press and media, both of which were strongly influenced by the American Mass Communication Research and by the idea of freedom of speech from the InterAmerican Press Association, IAPA. Desantes' theoretical proposal about the right to information as a human right that helps man construct community contrasted with the philosophy of the Mass Communication Research which studied the effects of the media over audiences in order to accurately determine the way to manipulate its behavior. An important impact on the media and journalists as well was the recognition of the rights of the audience and the notion that they are debtors of the audience, and the fact that their role was understood as more closely related to the idea of service and the satisfaction of a right.

Among the most important ideas that Desantes left the Chilean media and journalists with are: the concepts of truth and objectivity, of private life and intimacy; the rights and duties of information professionals; the distinction between the types of messages; and the teaching of Ethics at universities. Information as an object of a legal science, which is the Right of Information, and Ethics as the inspirational framework of the Law, make up a relationship between the legal, the ethical and the informative. This was a breakthrough in Chile and well received by journalists and the academia that formed them. This revolutionized the way the media began to view problems in respect of the established press law which was a catalogue of offenses by and penalties against offending journalists.

Id: 12476 Title: The Evolution of Communications Regulatory Authorities in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Murendehle Mulheva Juwayeyi Email: mjuwayeyi (at) poly.ac.mw Country: MW (Malawi) Affiliation: University of Malawi, The Polytechnic Abstract: The end of the Cold War and the apparent triumph of capitalism over communism had many geopolitical ramifications, most significant of which, perhaps, was the discrediting of communism as an alternative economic system of organization to capitalism. Consequently, many semi-democratic or autocratic countries around the world that had previously supported either the Western capitalist countries or the communist Soviet Union found themselves at a crossroads: they could no longer count on the support of either side. The Soviet Union did not have the financial resources to prop up their governments, and Western governments no longer needed their support against communism and, consequently, also refused to give them financial aid unless they became more democratic and deregulated and liberalized their respective economies. It was, for these countries, an untenable situation. The compulsion from Western governments and their international financial institutions (IFIs) — the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank — was very strong. In quick succession, countries like Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania took steps to make the necessary changes, albeit to varying degrees given the unique circumstances of each country. Among the sectors in these countries, and indeed countries all across Africa, that saw significant deregulation and liberalization was the communications sector, one that typically included posts, telecommunications, and broadcasting. In carrying out this process, each country established an independent regulatory authority (IRA) to license and to regulate communications operators. This paper examines the evolution of communications regulation, broadly speaking, in these countries and, more specifically, the relative independence of communications regulators vis-à-vis their respective governments. The article shows that all three countries started the process of liberalizing and regulating their communications sectors at more or less the same time. Over the years, however, they have each developed communications regulators that have varying degrees of independence from their governments, in particular the executive branch of government. As such, the article considers the reasons for these regulatory evolutionary differences and argues that a combination of socio-economic and political factors going back many years within each country, coupled with external political factors, influenced the evolution of regulatory independence with respect to the independent regulators in the communications sector. Ultimately, the article considers the implications of this evolution

not just for the future of communications regulation in these countries but also in other countries across Africa.

Id: 12572 Title: El alcance del "derecho a ser olvidado" frente a los medios de comunicación digitales. El caso Español. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Unai Aberasturi Gorriño Email: unai.aberasturi (at) ehu.eus Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Universtity of the Basque Country Abstract: El derecho al olvido digital o derecho a ser olvidado en Internet es un concepto que se ha hecho conocido durante los últimos años, fundamentalmente a partir del 2014, después de que el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea (TJUE) reconociera expresamente su existencia y encaje en el ordenamiento jurídico europeo vigente, y de que se haya recogido definitivamente en la última versión de la propuesta del Nuevo Reglamento General de Protección de Datos de la UE. El derecho al olvido permite a los titulares de los datos publicados en Internet limitar los efectos negativos que el uso de los buscadores de información que se utilizan en la Red genera sobre sus derechos, fundamentalmente sobre el honor, la intimidad o la protección de datos de carácter personal. Se trata con el ejercicio de dicho derecho, principalmente, de limitar las opciones que los usuarios de Internet tienen de acceder a información de carácter personal empleando los citados buscadores, evitando que se relacione constantemente a una persona concreta con una información del pasado que de una u otra forma le perjudica. En los últimos años la importancia del derecho a ser olvidado digital se ha resaltado debido a que se ha reconocido la posibilidad de ejercerlo no sólo frente a quienes publican la información en la Red, sino también frente a buscadores globales o generales como Google, a quienes se les puede solicitar la desindexación de determinadas direcciones url. Poco se ha discutido sobre el alcance del derecho cuando se pretende ejercer frente a quienes han publicado o editado la información en la Red, caso de los medios de comunicación digitales. Los medios de comunicación publican innumerable información de carácter personal en la Red. Cabe preguntarse si los titulares de esos datos pueden acudir a esos medios ejerciendo el derecho a ser olvidado, con el fin de que sus responsables empleen los instrumentos que tienen a su disposición para evitar que esa información sea accesible a través de los buscadores. Cuando se ejerce tal derecho entran en colisión derechos fundamentales tan relevantes como la libertad de expresión e información y el honor, la intimidad o la protección de datos de carácter personal. En España la Administración dedicada a proteger los datos de carácter personal (Agencia Española de Protección de Datos) ha venido interpretando que prevalecen los primeros sobre los segundos, para concluir que no cabe ejercer el derecho a ser olvidado frente a los medios de

comunicación digitales. Esta interpretación se ha visto alterada hace pocos meses con una decisión judicial del Tribunal Supremo que ha admitido esa opción e incluso ha estimado la posibilidad de reclamar una indemnización al medio por no haber actuado diligentemente a la hora de hacer efectivo el derecho a ser olvidado. Las dudas que se plantean en relación a esta cuestión son múltiples y merecen, sin duda, un comentario: ¿cuál es el alcance de dicho derecho? ¿Cuál es su base jurídica? ¿Cabe ejercerlo frente a los buscadores internos de los medios, en las hemerotecas digitales?

Id: 12644 Title: LA AFECTACIÓN DEL DERECHO A LA INTIMIDAD COMO CONSECUENCIA DE INTERNET Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Ángela Moreno Bobadilla Email: angmoreno.ang (at) gmail.com Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Universidad Complutense de Madrid Abstract: Internet ha revolucionado el mundo. Se ha convertido en uno de los grandes inventos de la era moderna, extendiéndose por infinidad de países, especialmente entre los que cuentan con una economía desarrollada o en vías de desarrollo. Es una fuente inagotable de recursos de información y conocimiento compartidos a escala mundial. Ha cambiado el concepto tradicional del modelo de comunicación, porque ahora mismo todo el mundo puede ser receptor y emisor de información al mismo tiempo, a diferencia de en los tradicionales medios (prensa, radio y televisión) en los que solo los profesionales eran productores de noticias. El protagonismo que el ciudadano anónimo ha adquirido es enorme, siendo una de las repercusiones que la intimidad de las personas está disminuyendo de forma considerable, así como que el derecho de la información se está teniendo que transformar para adaptarse a los nuevos cambios sociales que se están viviendo. Uno de los principales problemas que se ha generado es que actualmente una gran parte de la población vive constantemente conectada y expresando su opinión respecto a cualquier tema, en la mayoría de las ocasiones sin ningún tipo de trascendencia de cara a la formación de la opinión pública. Todo esto está trayendo consigo una nueva forma de entender la intimidad. Es necesario restablecer el concepto para adaptarlo a los cambios sociales que se están produciendo, ya que el hecho de que haya que redefinirlo no significa que haya dejado de ser importante o que haya desaparecido, sino que hay que transformarlo para darle viabilidad en la actualidad, siendo necesario el establecimiento de unos límites tanto legales como de sentido común, en ausencia de una legislación que establezca las bases sobre la mejor manera de proteger el derecho a la intimidad en el mundo virtual, pero siempre teniendo muy presente que al igual que ocurre en el ámbito de los medios de comunicación, en el entorno de las nuevas tecnologías también se puede y se debe guardar el equilibrio entre el derecho a la información y el derecho a la intimidad, es decir, entre uno de los derechos colectivos más importantes para el correcto funcionamiento del sistema democrático y uno de los derechos individuales completamente esenciales para que los ciudadanos puedan desarrollar su vida libremente, alejada de las miradas indiscretas.

Id: 12740 Title: The Protection of Journalistic Sources in National Law: The Case with Cameroon Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Peter Tiako Ngangum Email: pngangum (at) ulb.ac.be Country: BE (Belgium) Affiliation: Universite Libre Bruxelles Abstract: Journalists often receive leaked documents or information from sources who wish to remain anonymous, for instance because the information provided was purported to remain confidential within a certain (private or public) organization. Leaked information and documents are a crucial source of journalistic input and it is usually provided to journalists only when they can guarantee the confidentiality and the anonymity of their sources. The cultivation of sources is not only professionally essential for journalists, it is an important source of news worthy information for debate and discussion in a democratic society, a good recipe for investigative journalism, at least the legal protection of journalistic sources should be guaranteed, otherwise sources of information may dry up. Thus, without effective laws to protect journalistic sources, press freedom and freedom of expression would be seriously undermined. Drawing from Part IV of the December 1990 media Law, article 50 (1-2) making provision for the protection of sources, this paper argues that the lack of precision in the formulation of the law has invited divergent, self-serving and conflicting interpretations which has been at the root of the tension and controversies between the administration and the critical private press. Also, raids and searches on media offices seriously undermine the protection of journalistic sources in Cameroon because investigators who surprised a journalist at his/her workplace have very wide investigative powers which, by definition, give them access to all documents held by the journalist. Thus limitations on the confidentiality of journalistic sources needed extremely careful scrutiny by the court. Key words// Cameroon, media law, press freedom, freedom of expression, freedom of information, protection of sources.

Id: 12889 Title: La autorregulación periodística en Chile Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Maria Francisca Greene Email: frangreene (at) gmail.com Country: CL (Chile) Affiliation: Universidad de los Andes Name: Maria José Lecaros Email: mlecaros (at) uandes.cl Country: CL (Chile) Affiliation: Profesor of Journalistic Ethics at Universidad de los Andes, Santiago, Chile Abstract: Durante los últimos años han surgido en Chile una serie de asociaciones que promueven la autorregulación periodística. Los medios escritos y audiovisuales se han organizado para crear consejos de ética que los ayuden a hacer bien su trabajo. Al mismo tiempo varios medios han creado sus orientaciones programáticas o manuales de estilo que han hecho públicos. Esta investigación se propone ahondar en los motivos que llevaron a la creación de cada uno de los entes autorreguladores, de dónde se inspiraron y el principal trabajo que han hecho para mejorar la profesión durante los últimos años. Asimismo la investigación se propone ahondar en el legado del profesor de derecho de la información, José María Desantes en materia de autorregulación periodística.

Id: 12919 Title: Conceptual Clarity for Practical Obscurity: Tracing the Legal Roots of an Emerging Principle in Privacy Law Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Patrick File Email: pfile (at) unr.edu Country: US (United States) Affiliation: University of Nevada, Reno Abstract: The legal concept of practical obscurity is at the core of today’s debates around digital data privacy, but we know surprisingly little about its roots in legal thinking. Leading privacy law scholars Woodrow Hartzog and Evan Selinger define obscurity as “the idea that information is safe—at least to some degree—when it is hard to obtain or understand.” Practical obscurity is the legal concept that underlies European Union initiatives aimed at data privacy protection and similar policy making around the world, and it animated the CJEU’s 2014 ruling in the Google Spain “right to be forgotten” case. Government agencies in the United States use the concept to justify denying records requests when personally identifiable information is at issue and lawmakers employ it in contemplating whether a version of the “right to be forgotten” might be made a part of American law. Practical obscurity is a controversial concept. Some legal scholars have argued that it should provide a basis for common-sense data privacy protections in the United States, while others argue that an obscurity-based American “right to be forgotten” would threaten the First Amendment-protected right of access to information and the democratic values of transparency and accountability. Scholars seem to agree that practical obscurity was born in the 1989 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in United States Department of Justice v. Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. There, the Court ruled that a journalist’s request for an FBI “rap sheet”—an individual’s aggregated criminal history—could be denied because the privacy interest in the record outweighed the public interest in releasing it. Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the unanimous majority that although the information in the record was public, the difficulty in obtaining it from various sources, such as local courthouses and police stations, created a privacy interest once that information was compiled in a single database. Practical obscurity may have been delivered into the world by Justice Stevens’ majority opinion in the Reporters Committee case, but he did not invent the term. In fact, in his opinion Stevens attributes practical obscurity, in quotation marks, to government attorneys. Knowing more about the gestation of practical obscurity before its “birth” can help us better understand a salient and controversial legal concept as it grows and matures in policy, doctrine and daily life. This research will include background documents in the Reporters Committee case: briefs, motions, and other primary sources; interviews with

attorneys or clerks who worked on the case; as well as related case law and precedent. With a clearer picture of the roots of this pervasive and powerful legal rationale for protecting privacy, we can better assess its global impact on media law and policy and make more informed decisions about its usefulness as legal principle going forward.

Id: 13074 Title: The networked governance of privacy Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Sara Bannerman Email: sara.bannerman (at) gmail.com Country: CA (Canada) Affiliation: McMaster University Abstract: The concept of “networked governance or “nodal governance” recognizes that governance (the regulation of behaviour) is often undertaken not solely by the state, but by a plurality of actors (states, corporations, and technologies) through a plurality of mechanisms (legal, market, and norms) (Burris, Drahos & Shearing, 2005). While some theorists are optimistic that the rise of networked information technology and networked governance may lead to greater decentralization and democratization (Benkler 2003), others, including some scholars drawing on the paradigm of networked governance, are more pessimistic, arguing the forms of networked governance we now see in the globalized networked information economy are as exploitative and undemocratic as those that came before (Fuchs, 2010; Fuchs & Sevignani, 2013; Burris, Drahos & Shearing, 2005). In part one, I outline the basic concepts and background of the nodal or networked governance paradigm. In part two, drawing from examples in the literature surrounding networked governance, I argue that nodal governance can have democratizing effects, but that it can also circumvent opportunities for democratic engagement. In part three, drawing again on the literature of nodal governance, I set out a conceptual toolbox that can be used to measure the impact of particular formats of nodal governance on democratic engagement. Here, I draw on concepts derived from social network analysis; the concepts of centrality, reciprocity, and structural holes are adapted for the analysis of democratic engagement in networked governance. In part four, I analyze Canadian federal privacy law in the context of the networked governance of privacy, using the framework and typology of networked governance set out in part three. Three nodes of governance are examined: federal privacy law and institutions, private governance of privacy through user agreements, and software-coded standards of privacy. The centralities of these three nodes, as well as the reciprocity of their ties with Canadian citizens and Internet users, are empirically described. Structural holes, or areas which federal privacy law and institutions do not reach, are also empirically described. In conclusion, the paper notes that both private and public governance can be examined through concepts of networked democratic engagement. It makes several recommendations for improved democratic engagement in all forms of privacy governance.

Id: 13104 Title: The Future of Movie Copyright Infringement in Egypt in the Netflix Era: A Descriptive Study Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Mona Elswah Email: mona.abdelsttar (at) yahoo.com Country: EG (Egypt) Affiliation: Cairo University Abstract: Copyright infringement through illegal downloading has become more practicable with the availability of file-sharing websites and peer-to-peer (P2P) channels. Egypt, the most populated country in the Arab region and North Africa, along with other foreign markets are essential for the movie industry. Foreign markets are used to recoup the loss in domestic markets (Wang, 2003). Foreign markets represent more than 90% of the total revenues of some movies (boxofficemjo.com, 2016). Losing these markets including the Egyptian is a troublesome problem to the movie industry. After joining the TRIPS Agreement, Egypt issued Law no.82 in 2002 to protect intellectual property (IP). Article 139 in this law protects foreign audiovisual works, including movies, produced in any of the World Trade Organization member countries from copyright infringement (Egypt IP law no.82, 2002). Under Article 147, this law incriminates the reproduction of or lending any audiovisual works without the author’s authorization. According to the aforementioned law, downloading movies is an illegal act and is considered a violation of copyrights. Before the introduction of Netflix, Egyptians were lacking access to legal venues. In Jan 2016, Netflix expanded into the Middle East, providing Egyptians with a legal option to watch movies at affordable prices starting from $7.99 per month (about EGP 63). Therefore, this study seeks to answer the following questions; what is the current status of illegal movie downloading in the light of the Egyptian IP law, to what extent Egyptians are willing to replace illegal downloading with authorized movie channels, and how the Netflix as a legal venue may influence the future of movie copyright. The researcher will survey a sample of 400 Egyptian illegal movie downloaders to answer these questions. The findings will provide insights into the efficiency of legal movie venues as an antimovie piracy measure and as an alternative to protect movie copyright.

Id: 13108 Title: The file-sharer as a homo reciprocans: motives and rationales of Portuguese and Brazilian Internet users for the unauthorized sharing of copyrighted works Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Miguel Afonso Caetano Email: miguel.a.caetano (at) gmail.com Country: PT (Portugal) Affiliation: ISCTE-IUL Abstract: Despite being firmly established in the cultural and political fields, the purely economic perspective centered on calculating any potential loss caused by file sharing has the great disadvantage of limiting itself to underlining the greater convenience in copying cultural works offered by the Internet when compared to previous analogue technologies. From this perspective, sharing is seen as a market failure rather than a fundamental dimension of culture that in fact it is (Aigrain 2011). While most empirical studies on this subject find a negative relationship between file sharing and media sales (Smith and Telang 2012), the theoretical literature suggests that the unauthorized copying of copyrighted works can not only help increase rights holder profits but also improve social welfare (Grassmuck 2010). At the same time, due to inherent weaknesses in the data publicly available as well as in the methodologies used in its collection, this negative relationship can conceal more than it reveals (Dejean 2009). On the other hand, the excessive emphasis of the public debate on whether file sharing of copyrighted works harms or benefits the culture industries and to what extent means that the contributions coming from the field of economics are of limited usefulness when it comes to determining measures that take into account both user welfare and the longterm sustainability of cultural production (in terms of the supply of new creative works (Handke 2012), without neglecting the financial and social costs that copyright enforcement within a context of digital abundance entails. Hence the importance, in terms of public policies, of taking into consideration not only the relationship between sales and unauthorized copies but also the users' real behavior, as well as their motives for downloading digital files of copyrighted works without the necessary authorization (Watson, Zizzo and Fleming 2014). Building on a online survey with a self-selected sample of 301 respondents of Portuguese and Brazilian nationality as well as on a set of 16 online interviews subsequently arranged with some of these individuals, this presentation aims to drawn a more accurate picture not only of the level of awareness of Portuguese and Brazilian Internet users concerning the unlawful or lawful nature of the content downloaded and/or shared by them, but also of the true motives and rationales of those who identify as file-sharers:

- What rationales do they use for justifying the downloading of copyrighted content? - What is their opinion regarding the consequences of their sharing habits in the lives of creators, publishers and the future of cultural creativity in general? - What do they think of the enforcement measures proposed by copyright industries that have been adopted by several national states? - What solutions and business models do they propose to businesses and trade associations representing rights holders?

Id: 13187 Title: RipoffReport.com and Efforts to Make the Web "Forget" Harmful Speech in the U.S. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: ben medeiros Email: bmedeiro (at) ucsd.edu Country: US (United States) Affiliation: University of California - San Diego Abstract: It has been said that “the internet never forgets” (Rosen 2011), but this of course only partially true. In fact, the architecture of the web offers much opportunity for “forgetting.” Every day links are de-indexed by search engines, people untag themselves from photos on Facebook, and newspaper articles are modified with little trace of an error that may have blemished the initial publication. A debate has thus emerged around when speakers or intermediaries can be legally compelled to remove a particular piece of putatively harmful content. Unlike in Europe, any sweeping provision to compel content removal or de-indexing at the behest of an affected party would probably be ruled unconstitutional in the US. How might such interests be vindicated through private or otherwise non-judicial means instead? In the paper, I explore a case study that illustrates some emergent ways in which the visibility of speech online is often managed without direct application of formal legal mandates. In doing so, I attempt to build on the growing body of literature (e.g. Nunziato 2009; Lessig 1999) that explores how myriad forces can be said to “regulate” behavior — and specifically freedom of expression — beyond the law itself. The kind of speech “regulation” on display in my case study involves the leveraging of what Lessig would call the regulatory features of the market, of social norms, and of “code” (technical architecture). Specifically, I analyze the writings and interview responses of a group of activists in Australia and the United States who have targeted the somewhat infamous “gripe” site Ripoff Report (where users submit anonymous “consumer reviews” of both products and sometimes people). To be sure, these activists have indeed pushed for legal reforms to correct what they see as an increased vulnerability to the dissemination of critical or offensive speech. Most notably, they seek to make search engines liable as publishers or distributors of defamatory or otherwise tortious speech contained in links that they index. Such an outcome is, however, unlikely in the United States because of CDA Section 230 (relieving intermediaries of much liability for third party content) and the First Amendment. Instead, it appears that perhaps these activists’ greatest success has been through mobilization of market and social opposition to gripe sites like Ripoff Report itself. There

is some anecdotal evidence that newer iterations of Google’s search algorithms have begun to demote such sites in search results. The site itself has also become more amenable to requests to modify or even remove putatively harmful content — a position which its notoriously intransigent “no removal” content policy has otherwise precluded. At the very least, I argue that the anti-Ripoff Report activists have contributed to raising popular awareness about the dubiousness of much of the material found on such sites. Even if they are not “forgotten” in search engine results for an individual’s name, it is possible that their reputational impact could be ameliorated because they are more or less ignored as sources of information.

Id: 13205 Title: La Verdad en la Informaciòn: alcances jurisprudenciales en la Corte Suprema de Chile. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Cristián Urzùa Email: curzua (at) gtm.cl Country: CL (Chile) Affiliation: Journalist and lawyer at Tapia, Margozzini & Dumay Abogados Abstract: La verdad se constituye en el tiempo. Pero no como si el tiempo fuera causa de la verdad, o porque la verdad sea dinámica, sino únicamente en sentido progresivo: la verdad avanza en el tiempo perfeccionando al sujeto que la aprehende para comprenderla. El sujeto que conoce la verdad la adquiere, desarrollándose en su naturaleza, que es más próxima ahora, con la nueva verdad adquirida, a lo bueno de su objeto último con el cual la verdad se confunde (veritas et unum convertuuntur). El dinamismo temporal de la verdad es también, así, el dinamismo y la constitución paso a paso de la bondad, del bien que hay en ella tendiendo, por sí, a comunicarse, a difundirse. Por ello la crítica, que se escucha en las aulas universitarias, en la práctica y el ejercicio profesional, entre informadores y periodistas y juristas y abogados de que, dado que la verdad es móvil, es relativa y por tanto, también es subjetiva. La verdad, si no se demuestra y señala como algo permanente y sustante, si no se enseña en su real dimensión, termina cediendo a la mentira. Y, dado que la verdad es un elemento constitutivo esencial de la comunicación, su ausencia malogra el que la comunicación sea instrumento eficaz para la creación de comunidad. Pero ¿ha sido entendido así en doctrina de manera conteste y uniforme? ¿Ha sido considerado por los tribunales –tanto de la Corte Europa, de la Corte Intermericana y nuestra propia Corte Suprema como un elemento esencial de la información y de la comunicación? ¿O por el contrario, se le ha visto como un requisito más bien accidental, y por tanto, en parte, prescindible si lo se obtuvo una finalidad política concreta y específica con el acto informativo, como es lo propio de la idea utilitarista y relativista que parece irse asentando en la teoría general del derecho? A cuarenta años de la publicación de La Verdad en La Información de José María Desantes, ¿Cuál ha sido el destino jurídico-práctico de su teoría informativa?

Id: 13322 Title: How courts are navigating the social media morass: developing a model for change Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Jane Louise Johnston Email: jane.johnston (at) uq.edu.au Country: AU (Australia) Affiliation: University of Queensland Abstract: Social media has brought unprecedented changes and challenges to the way courts engage with stakeholders, and the way stakeholders communicate about courts. This paper examines these issues by presenting a case study analysis (see Flyvberg 2004) of an industry working party of courts communication professionals which came together to assist each other in the transition to social media use within this specific work environment. It examines some of the most pressing issues faced by courts in the modern media environment, notably: the relationship with a changing news media; the dissemination of courts’ own information via social media platforms; and, the potential for social media to negatively impact on the administration of justice. The study found the working party provided an exemplar of Wenger’s concept of a ‘community-ofpractice’ (1998, 2009) – a group, either professional or otherwise, which share ideas relating to the production of their own practice and its negotiated meaning. Accordingly, it provides an entry point for considering some of the bigger issues associated with the courts’ relationship with changing media platforms and how, as largely conservative institutions, they can successfully navigate their part within and across new media spaces. The study follows previous research by the author which found courts have been slow to adopt social media usage and literacies ([CITATION REMOVED TO PROTECT BLIND REVIEW]), especially when compared with other criminal justice institutions, such as the police ([CITATION REMOVED TO PROTECT BLIND REVIEW]). It therefore comes at a time when courts, internationally, may benefit from the community-of-interest model that is presented in the study. References [ITEMS REMOVED TO PROTECT BLIND REVIEW] Flyvberg, B. (2004) ‘Five misunderstandings about case-study research’, in C. Seale, G. Gobo, J. F. Gubrium, & D. Silverman (eds.), Qualitative Research Practice, London: Sage. Wenger, E. (1998) ‘Communities of practice: learning meaning and identity’, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wenger, E. (2009) ‘Communities of practice and social learning systems: the career of a concept (part 2)’, at http://wenger-trayner.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/09-10-27CoPs-and-systemsv2.0.pdf

Id: 13361 Title: PANEL. Lessons after 40 years of teaching Communication Law at the Journalism Schools/Experiencias de 40 años de enseñanza universitaria del Derecho de la Información Session Type: Panel Submission Authors: Name: Loreto Corredoira Email: loretoc (at) ucm.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: ProfessorSchool of CommunicationComplutense UniversityMadrid, Spain Name: Ignacio Bel Mallén Email: bel (at) iese.edu Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Professor at Complutense UniversityProfesor de Derecho de la Información Departamento de Derecho ConstitucionalFacultad de Ciencias de la Información Name: Remedio Sánchez Ferriz Email: Remedio.Sanchez (at) uv.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Catedrática de Derecho ConstitucionalFacultad de DerechoUniversidad de Valencia Name: Marisa Aguirre Email: maguirre (at) pad.edu Country: PE (Peru) Affiliation: Professor at University of Piura, Perú Abstract: Este panel recogerá las experiencias de profesores y académicos de Derecho de la Información o de Libertad de Expresión en países donde dicha materia se imparte en las Facultades de Periodismo o Ciencias de la Información. En concreto, nos proponemos analizar el proceso de profesionalización del periodismo en tres aspectos: 1. Cómo se va decantando el derecho que sustenta dicha profesión, iniciándose en el siglo XIX y universalizándose en el XX cuando la Declaración Universal de ONU en 1948, recoge en su artículo 19 el derecho a la información, destacando además del derecho a difundir o comunicar, el de investigar y recibir. 2. La relación causa-efecto que ha producido la enseñanza del Periodismo al máximo nivel académico en el ejercicio responsable del derecho a informar en aquéllos países donde hay Facultades. 3. La mejora de calidad no sólo de las leyes que rigen el Derecho de la Información sino la Ciencia ius-informativa por la progresiva publicación de obras especializadas. Lo

que se refleja también en la jurisprudencia constitucional. En 1951 Fernand Terrou y Lucien Solal publicaron la primera obra titulada “Derecho de la información” en Europa Le Droit de l'information (Unesco, Paris, 1951). Obra traducida al inglés y español, pocos años después de la DUDH de ONU. En los años 70 se creó en España la primera Cátedra de Derecho de la Información que lideró el profesor José Mª Desantes Guanter. Civilista con experiencia política y de gestión en medios de comunicación durante la época franquista, sufrió personalmente la injusticia de la censura, las acciones del Tribunal de Orden Público o incluso como abogado defendió a un periódico (Diario Madrid) que fue literalmente “cancelado y prohibido”. Dicha experiencia se ha visto reflejada en el contenido de la asignatura, en sus obras y las de su escuela, así como en las tesis doctorales defendidas en las Facultades españolas, europeas y americanas. Algunos de sus discípulos (Bel, Aguirre, Lecaros) y colegas del Derecho Constitucional (Sánchez Ferriz, Glez. Ballesteros), entre los que afortunadamente me encuentro, hemos vertebrado el Derecho de la información como disciplina para defender el ejercicio del periodista, también dotándole de derechos y deberes, que la propia Constitución Española de 1978, en su artículo 20, recoge unos años después.

Id: 13371 Title: Online hate speech and freedom of expression-Analysis of regulatory frameworks in India, US, EU, South Africa and China Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Rahul S. Mane Email: creativityindian (at) gmail.com Country: IN (India) Affiliation: MICA Abstract: Regulation of freedom of speech is closely related to citizen`s inalienable human rights as well as inherent constitutional accountability of state and inherited social responsibility of media institutions. This accountability shapes the policy making process and further contributes towards ensuring freedom of speech and aims at preventing disturbance of communal harmony resulted from gender violence, religion and community targeted violence and oppression of citizens having specific race, nationality. In recent times, there have been consistent tensions between stand points behind interpretation of free speech and interpretation of hate speech. These tensions have gone beyond binary divide existing between ‘spirit to protect autonomy of free speech’ and ‘efforts to preserve democratic and human rights centered’ public discourse about tolerance. Part of the problem in dealing with hate speech is global nature of network society, lack of consensus on what constitutes hate speech and also jurisdictional nature of media regulations which makes prosecution of online hate speech emerging transnationally a complicated affair. We trace the legal as well as policy debates in India and four geographical regions namely US, EU, China and South Africa to understand the evolving regulatory frameworks regarding free speech and hate speech being expressed on websites, social media platforms and discussion forums. Study is largely borrowing from secondary literature available regarding public policy discourse related to jurisprudence of free speech and hate speech which is informing the emergence of informed, unbiased and comprehensive regulation. We also try to explore what can be possible experiments on online platforms inspired by collective action which may shape social norms in preventing hate speech and promoting responsible free speech. Recent developments regarding section 66 (A) of IT act will inform the analysis but our discussion will also map how policy making regarding tensions between free speech and hate speech can be addressed considering the technological, legal and social challenges involved. References: 1. Owen, M. (1986). FISS,“Free Speech and Social Structure”, 71 Iowa L. http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/fss_papers/1210

2. Barnett, B. A. (2007). Untangling the Web of Hate: Are Online" hate Sites" Deserving of First Amendment Protection?. Cambria Press. 3. Lipschultz, J. H. (1999). Free expression in the age of the internet: Social and legal boundaries. Westview Press. 4. McGonagle, T. (2013). The Council of Europe against online hate speech: Conundrums and challenges. In Council of Europe Conference Expert Paper.

Id: 13408 Title: El derecho a comunicar: de la Carta Magna Libertarum de Juan Sin Tierra (1215) a la Constitucionalización de las libertades informativas Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Remedio Sánchez Ferriz Email: Remedio.Sanchez (at) uv.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Universidad de Valencia Name: Loreto Corredoira Email: loretoc (at) ucm.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Professor of Communication Law Complutense UniversityMadrid Abstract: Nuestro trabajo analizará los precedentes doctrinales y las circunstancias históricas en que se hace posible la constitucionalización (y antes el reconocimiento por el Monarca en todo tipo de documentos) de las libertades informativas. Nuestra tesis es: 1. Que hasta el siglo XVIII (cuando aparecen las primeras Declaraciones modernas) no hablamos de derechos del ámbito público sino en forma muy excepcional. 2. Aún cuando se reconozcan algunas libertades como en la Carta Magna Libertarum/ “the Great Charter of Liberties” (1215) estas carecen del carácter universal propio de todo derecho, tal y como hoy lo entendemos, por lo que –en realidad- se reconocían como libertades privilegio, tanto en las monarquías absolutas como en los ordenamientos precedentes. 3. Sólo cabe hablar de derechos fundamentales y de libertades públicas cuando en el siglo XVIII se reconozca la natural igualdad y libertad de todos los hombres. 4. En este marco general hallan una paradigmática evolución las libertades informativas que progresivamente van conociendo formulaciones nuevas en un proceso que se inicia con la libertad de pensamiento y conciencia, la libertad de imprenta, la libertad de prensa y la libertad de información (escrita, audiovisual, etc.) En forma incipiente, veremos los precedentes doctrinales de Francisco de Vitoria (+ 1546) en la Escuela española de Salamanca y, las primeras declaraciones de libertad. Los títulos legítimos del “ius gentium” de Vitoria marcan un cambio que fraguará en el siglo XVIII . Seguiremos obras de autores del XIX y XX como Wheaton, Burillo o Desantes que han recogido las lecciones dictadas a sus alumnos. Veremos cómo se ha recibido en el ámbito anglosajón gracias a traducciones o ediciones que recogen autores como Henry Wheaton, History of the Law of Nations in Europe and America (1845) ); o James Brown Scott que lleva a Estados Unidos la doctrina de Grocio y Vitoria.

Id: 13446 Title: Argentina, Chile and Uruguay: Public information access, political system stability and political culture. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Matias Ponce Email: matias.ponce.m (at) gmail.com Country: UY (Uruguay) Affiliation: Universidad Católica del Uruguay Abstract: Matías Ponce – Professor Universidad Católica del Uruguay Abstract The goal of the research is to compare the progress on regulatory practices and transparency in three cases in Latin America: Argentina, Chile and Uruguay. The progress in access to public information is analyzed from the levels of stability of the political system and political culture. What association between practices and regulation on transparency and levels of institutionalization and culture of each political system? The methodology is based on a documentary and legislative analysis on the progress that has been made in transparency and regulation of the current state of the institutionalization of the party system and the values associated with transparency in every political culture. Values and transparency practices are linked to the levels of institutionalization submit each party systems or what is called political stability. In turn, the values that make up the political culture associated with transparency can promote better standards of compliance or even stimulate higher levels of transparency. This analysis seeks to integrate under a complex look on one hand, the values and practices of transparency with levels of stability of the political system. Go to the root of the problems regarding the issues of access to public information requires this type of analysis. "The processes that underpin reform is no less important than the content of the reform, it is perhaps even more important" (Rodrik, 2004). The thesis is that higher levels of institutionalization of the political system associated with a best practice on transparency and values associated with it in the political culture. Key Words: Transparency, Public Information, Political Stability, Latin America, Institutions.

Id: 13598 Title: The regulatory framework of the uruguayan media system: strengths and weaknesses of the reform process Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Gabriel Kaplún Email: gabriel.kaplun (at) fic.edu.uy Country: UY (Uruguay) Affiliation: Universidad de la República - Uruguay Abstract: Con antecedentes previos desde los años 60, fue recién en 2004 que se plantea una reforma integral del sistema de medios uruguayo con posibilidades razonables de concreción. El contexto nacional y regional abre, por primera vez, expectativas que hacen pensar en la viabilidad social y política de una reforma mediática que fuera más allá de los intentos previos, que apuntaron principalmente al fortalecimiento del sector públicoestatal de medios y que básicamente habían fracasado. Se construyó entonces un programa que apuntaba en cuatro direcciones de cambio: fortalecimiento del sector público-estatal de medios (nuevamente), legalización y promoción del sector socialcomunitario, estímulos a la competencia y desestímulos a la concentración en el sector privado-comercial, promoción de la producción audiovisual nacional e independiente. Todo ello requería un rediseño normativo e institucional que, se planteó, debía incluir un fuerte componente de participación ciudadana, tanto para la construcción como para la aplicación del nuevo marco regulatorio. Transcurrida una década larga del proceso reformista, con un equipo de investigadores uruguayos nos propusimos realizar un análisis que permita comprender cómo se articularon, en torno a distintos hitos del proceso los actores sociales y políticos implicados y los resultados en términos de avance o bloqueo que produjeron. Para ello adaptamos a nuestro caso una herramienta metodológica utilizada para el análisis de otros procesos reformistas. Una primera fase del trabajo utiliza información secundaria e investigaciones previas disponibles y una segunda somete el análisis a la discusión de un conjunto de referentes de los distintos actores sociales y políticos implicados. El trabajo busca aportar a una mejor comprensión de lo sucedido y espera también ayudar a los actores interesados en la reforma a repensarla y eventualmente reimpulsarla, en un contexto nacional y regional que aparece como menos favorable que el del primer impulso. El marco de alianzas y las coaliciones de veto generadas en torno a hitos clave de la reforma pueden ayudar a comprender mejor las marchas y contramarchas de un proceso que ha tenido avances importantes, pero a un ritmo mucho más lento y con resultados bastante más pobres que los esperados por esos actores. En este texto presentaremos un aspecto parcial de ese trabajo tomando dos hitos clave del

proceso reformista: la Ley de Radiodifusión Comunitaria de 2007 y la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual de 2014. Complementaremos el análisis con elementos de trabajos anteriores en que discutimos los procesos de participación social en torno a estas leyes antes y/o después de su aprobación así como una norma intermedia que fue el marco regulatorio para la televisión digital abierta de 2012-2013.

Id: 13670 Title: Freedom of press in Kashmir. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Sahil Koul Email: thesahilkoul (at) gmail.com Country: IN (India) Affiliation: Panjab University, Chandigarh, India. Abstract: Free press is a prerequisite for any democracy. The worth of free press can be best understood from the famous quote of Thomas Jefferson, "The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers and be capable of reading them." The freedom of press or media becomes even more important when we are talking about a place like Kashmir which has been a conflict area since early 90’s. This paper attempts to understand the present status of press freedom in Kashmir. The paper attempts to understand the media legislations and the rights of journalist who are working in Kashmir. Methodology: Interview of Accredited Media Professionals from both print and electronic media from Kashmir will be conducted. The list of such journalists is available on the website of the Department of Information and Public Relations, Jammu and Kashmir (http://jkdirinf.in/). Significance: The study is significant as it will not only help in disclosing the press freedom status of media in Kashmir but will also help in analysing the problems faced by the media professionals. The findings can further help in policy formulation as far as media legislations for a free press are concerned. Few theories which are relevant to the topic of the study are: The Authoritarian Theory, Libertarianism or Free Press Theory, Social Responsibility Theory and Natural Law and Natural Rights Theory

Id: 13702 Title: Estado, actores y democratización: La regulación de los servicios de comunicación audiovisual en Argentina (1980-2015). Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Javier Torres Molina Email: jtorresmolina (at) unrn.edu.ar Country: AR (Argentina) Affiliation: Universidad Nacional de Río Negro Abstract: El presente trabajo pretende analizar las normas que han regulado la radio y la televisión en Argentina a partir de 1980 hasta la actualidad. En los últimos años, el debate sobre la regulación de los sistemas de comunicación audiovisual ha trascendido el ámbito académico y de los medios de comunicación que se reivindican como alternativos y populares, para tomar una relevancia muy importante, a tal punto que la discusión que ha culminado con la sanción de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual nº 26.522 ha tenido una amplia repercusión social, no solo en Argentina. Desde el cambio de gobierno a finales del año 2015 se han suscitado una serie de cambios normativos que han erosionado aspectos sustanciales de la ley sancionada en el año 2009, que acentúan la concentración mediática. Entendemos que con el análisis de la normativa regulatoria en materia de servicios de comunicación audiovisual estamos problematizando sobre uno de los aspectos más característicos de la política de comunicación de un determinado país, ya que el dictado y la aplicación de los diferentes instrumentos normativos son uno de los insumos que van a incidir en la definición y el diseño del sistema de medios de comunicación –o por lo menos en la normativa se plasmará la opinión de los diferentes gobiernos al respectoademás de visualizarse un aspecto de la articulación de la relación del Estado con los medios de comunicación y la ciudadanía en general. En el marco de ese análisis, nuestra intención es indagar sobre esa normativa y analizar si la misma permite –o no- la participación de diferentes actores en la gestión de los medios o en diferentes organismos, por ejemplo. Planteamos además que nuestro análisis está orientado a establecer en que medida a través del dictado de las diferentes normas los sistemas de radio y televisión pueden ser caracterizados como democráticos. Consideramos relevante detenernos en el análisis de la normativa en cuestión, ya que en la misma se plasman aspiraciones sociales, propuestas políticas y marcos institucionales para el establecimiento de políticas de comunicación. Además, el sistema legal, entendiéndolo como un entramado de reglas legalmente sancionadas que penetran y codeterminan numerosas relaciones sociales, va a constituir una dimensión básica a la hora de definir al Estado. Por otra parte, nuestro periodo de análisis resulta significativo, tanto en las diferentes normas que se han aplicado, como en los distintos signos políticos de los gobiernos.

En ese sentido, podemos dividir nuestro análisis en 4 periodos diferenciados: 1) Análisis del decreto-ley 22.285 sancionado en 1980 por la dictadura militar Argentina (1976-1983). 2) Democracia y mercado, donde se analizarán los principales cambios que permitieron la concentración de medios de comunicación. 3) Análisis de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual del año 2009, cuyo objetivo principal es la democratización de las comunicaciones. 4) Los cambios realizados a la anterior normativa desde la asunción del nuevo gobierno a finales de 2015.

Id: 13705 Title: ANÁLISIS CRÍTICO DE LA EVOLUCIÓN LEGISLATIVA EN PROTECCIÓN DE MENORES EN SU RELACIÓN CON LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN. Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Isabel Serrano Maillo Email: miserran (at) ucm.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: Porf. Derecho Constitucional Abstract: Los niños tienen una doble relación con los medios de comunicación: como receptores de mensaje audiovisuales y como potenciales protagonistas de dichos mensajes. Además, conforman uno de los colectivos más vulnerables precisamente por su edad y presunta falta de madurez, razón por la cual existen leyes específicas orientadas a protegerlos. Tradicionalmente los niños vivían bajo la protección de sus padres que eran los encargados de velar por ellos y ejercer y defender en su nombre sus derechos. Esta postura parece ser la más acorde con la lógica jurídica, dado que los menores no tienen capacidad jurídica de obrar ni, por tanto responsabilidad, ni se les reconoce capacidad alguna para ejercer sus derechos más allá del derecho a la vida, a la integridad física, etc.. Este panorama cambia con la aprobación de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño, un tratado internacional jurídicamente vinculante, donde se reconoce a los menores como agentes sociales y como titulares activos de sus propios derechos. Este hecho es algo más que anecdótico, pues choca con la teoría general de los derechos fundamentales mantenida en países como España, donde ciertamente los menores siguen sin tener capacidad jurídica de obrar ni responsabilidad jurídica. Esto se ha solventado con el reconocimiento a los menores de los derechos reconocidos en la Convención (cosa que ya se hacía), pero no así la posibilidad de ejercerlos como sujetos de Derecho. No obstante, la Convención sobre los derechos del niño provocó al toma de conciencia respecto a la necesidad de proteger más y mejor a nuestros menores. Así, el interés en proteger a los menores en todos ámbitos es una constante desde entonces. También en el campo de la información. En este trabajo se pretende hacer un repaso histórico crítico a esas normas y determinar si son o no suficientes y si responden o no, al espíritu de la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño de1989.

Id: 13853 Title: Past, Present and Future of European Copyright: Where are User's rights' Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Rodrigo Cetina Presuel Email: rodrigo.cetina (at) gmail.com Country: US (United States) Affiliation: CUNY - Queensborough Community College/Complutense University of Madrid Abstract: One of the most problematic aspects of copyright legislation is the protection of users’ rights: citizens’ rights to access protected works when this is needed to protect freedom of expression and information or to promote other cultural, political and social objectives. Through Europe’s copyright history there have been efforts to ensure these rights, mainly through the adoption of limitations and the harmonization of domestic legislation to include them too. However, today, users’ rights are marginalized in favor of the protection of economic rights (Griffiths, 2010) and the harmonization, especially concerning those limitations, is mostly considered a failure (Geiger & Schönherr, 2014). This work analyzes the most important aspects of Pan-European Copyright history to make sense of why we are in the current situation where users’ rights protection seems so weak and if new policy efforts will actually result in any meaningful change. Efforts to have limitations that protect users’ rights started even before there was a European Union, with the Berne Convention. Part one looks at international treaties that dictate how copyright is legislated inside the EU. Through analyzing legal texts, judicial decisions, literature and legislative records, this work highlights their negative legacy, particularly through restrictive interpretation and application of limitations and barriers to the adoption of better legislation that can have a meaningful impact. Part 2 focuses in the Union’s nine European Directives and decisions from the Court of Justice of the European Union that together give shape to the present of European Copyright. Particularly, the InfoSoc Directive of 2001, and its role in establishing exclusive rights and limitations to protection, and in trying to achieve harmonization. An analysis of legislation and jurisprudence, literature and records will help determine why has this harmonization failed and why it has been especially harmful to the rights of the user. Has legislation simply not been ambitious or good enough? (Hugenholtz, 2000). What has been the role of the CJEU? Has it contributed to harmonization or to more fragmentation? (Ramalho, 2015) And what role has it played in the restrictive interpretation of limitations? Part three looks into the future, and analyzes the Digital Single Market Strategy for Europe, which, includes the Commission’s plans for modernization of the EU copyright framework and aims to be a roadmap for future proposals into 2020, including updating the Infosoc Directive.

Will the proposed policy actions and reform included in the Strategy be enough? Is there a chance that reform will finally achieve something or is this a retreading of past efforts that will yield the same results? Is there more transparency now than before and is it enough to ensure the adequate representation and protection of the interest of the public? Or is the danger of bypassing democratic accountability another credible threat to users’ rights (Horten, 2013). Finally, part four, offers alternatives that could help us break with the past and work towards stronger protection of users’ rights in the future.

Id: 13895 Title: PANEL: The Roots and Future of the Right to Communicate. Titulo: Nuevos derechos fundamentales sobre comunicación Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Manuel SANCHEZ DE DIEGO Email: msdiego (at) ucm.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: S. Dptal. Derecho Constitucional - Universidad Complutense de Madrid -España Name: Manujel Sánchez de Diego Email: msdiego (at) ucm.es Country: ES (Spain) Affiliation: S. Dptal. Derecho Constitucional - Universidad Complutense de Madrid -España Abstract: La información siempre ha sido un factor clave en las sociedades, pero actualmente el desarrollo económico, social y político gravita sobre procesos comunicativos. De alguna forma la sociedad del siglo XXI presenta como elemento diferencial la forma como la información se emplea. En las sociedades democráticas la protección de los procesos de comunicación ha sido un elemento esencial hasta el punto que la libertad de información (freedom of speach) se constituye en un derecho prevalente –ocupa una posición preferente en el conjunto de los derechos fundamentales- imprescindible para que exista una opinión pública libre, garantía de una auténtica democracia. La aparición de nuevas posibilidades tecnológicas han trastocado el concepto de derecho de la información. Por ejemplo, la limitación técnica de canales en la televisión por ondas hercianas y la consiguiente regulación jurídica, se ha visto desbordada por las nuevas tecnologías de la Televisión Digital Terrestre (TDT) y por protocolos de compresión de información. La accesibilidad técnica de los ficheros y archivos públicos posibilita su control por parte de los ciudadanos. Las telecomunicaciones permite una relación más fluida y rápida entre administrados y poderes públicos. La capacidad de procesamientos permite conocer perfiles de las personas, incluso de hechos olvidados por el propio protagonista. Estos son solo ejemplos en los cuales se hace imprescindible una nueva regulación jurídica de los procesos informativos para proteger a las personas y potenciar sus capacidades. La reflexión que se realiza en esta comunicación tiene que ver con el poder que se ha desarrollado desde los medios de comunicación como actores de un negocio de la información que en algunos casos es en realidad el negocio de la influencia. Dos líneas argumentales se desarrollan al respecto. En primer lugar la necesaria transparencia de los medios de comunicación derivada de sus función pública y, también de las normas de

buen gobierno corporativo cuando se trata de empresas con cotización en Bolsa. La segunda reflexión deriva del análisis de los procesos de concentración mediática y de la necesidad y posibilidad de ser controlados. Existe un problema añadido y es que es difícil atribuir a los poderes públicos el control de las fusiones y adquisiciones de medios de comunicación, porque precisamente una de las funciones de los medios es controlar al poder. Transparencia de los mass media y agrupación de empresas deben ser contempladas desde la perspectivas de las nuevas tecnologías y el riesgo de la concentración de poder y, por tanto, reguladas desde el Derecho de la Información.

Id: 13977 Title: Media policy from the perspective of the publishers. Contentions about the formation of the media policy field in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Maria Löblich Email: maria.loeblich (at) fu-berlin.de Country: DE (Germany) Affiliation: Institut für Publizistik- und Kommunikationswissenschaft, FU Berlin Abstract: This paper addresses West German media policy history from the perspective of the press. The paper asks how the press reacted to the fact that it became object of media policy in the 1970s in the Federal Republic of Germany. It is a contribution to the historiography of media policy as a policy field. Media policy became a policy field in West Germany around 1970 when the Social Democratic Party adopted media policy resolutions on its party congresses, soon followed by the other two parties represented in the German Federal Parliament. Moreover, the two Social Democratic chancellors in the 1970s made media policy to one of the top issues in Federal domestic policy. Although the media policy debates of these years did not only revolve around the development of the press but also public service television, the Social Democrats and the Liberals focused on press issues in their regulatory initiatives: on press concentration, editorial by-laws and the relations between journalists and publishers (“internal freedom of the press”) as well as the capitalistic organization of the press – issues that were raised by the “1968ers”, young left politicians and intellectuals, some of the publishers and journalists (Schütz 1999; von Hodenberg 2006). For the press, the difference to the years before was not only or not so much the fact that the press became object of regulatory efforts. Rather, a policy field seemed to start an institutionalization that did not exist before and that, despite constitutional law barriers, in the view of some newspapers, provoked the fear of state infringement into press freedom (Schatz/Habig/Immer 1990). How did the press react when it became object of regulatory efforts? What were the perceptions and evaluations that press newsrooms and publishers developed concerning the emerging media policy field? Which strategies did the press develop to secure their own (diverse) interests? In order to answer these questions, this paper draws on Giddens' structuration theory and analyzes press coverage, policy papers of publishers’ and journalists’ associations, reflections by publishers and leading journalists as well as documents that provide insights into lobbying structures and research assignments suited to reply to legislators’ concerns. Even if central regulatory efforts regarding the press in the 1970s were not successful, this analysis contributes to the role of public discourse about media policy and about the way the “objects of regulation” in media policy use coverage to determine decisions in media policy

Literature A. Giddens (1984): The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration. Berkeley: University of California Press. C. von Hodenberg (2006): Mass Media and the Generation of Conflict: West Germany’s Long Sixties and the Formation of a Critical Public Sphere. In: Contemporary European History, volume 15, no. 3, p. 367-395. H. Schatz/C. Habig/N. Immer (1990): Medienpolitik. In: K. von Beyme/M.G. Schmidt (eds.): Politik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, p. 331-359. W.J. Schütz (1999): Entwicklung der Tagespresse. In: J. Wilke (ed.): Mediengeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Köln: Böhlau, p. 109-124.

Id: 14079 Title: Policing Broken Ratchets: Information Policy and Criminal Enforcement of Digital Copyrights Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Lucas Vaccaro Logan Email: loganp (at) uhd.edu Country: US (United States) Affiliation: University of Houston - Downtown Abstract: This paper analyzes the problem of copyright law becoming increasingly governed by information policy and prohibition regimes that criminalize intellectual property [IP] infringement. I argue that policies promoting criminal enforcement of IP law, by design, overlook the public value of creative works and access to knowledge and instead focus on property to be protected and crimes to be punished. These policies are often rejected at the state level due to popular protest, political opposition and democratic processes, and so policy is forced through at the international level or through lateral pressures. Information policy studies, represented by Braman (2007), guide the theoretical discussion of policy and are met here with criminological theory on prohibition regimes in order to identify the role of criminal enforcement in copyright law. First, I critique information policy as a domain within the political economy of communication that favors the market and security interests of intergovernmental organizations [IGOs], elite states and industries over interests of civil liberties, freedom of expression and privacy. Among the elite actors, the United States pressures other states to adopt stringent intellectual property standards through multilateral trade negotiations and threats of trade sanctions. The European Union constrains the policy options of member states through its harmonization directives, and various intellectual property organizations operate side-by-side with states and IGOs and politicians to insist on stronger IP. Policies to strengthen IP, such as the E.U.’s Copyright Directive, the U.K.’s Digital Britain, Spain’s Ley Sinde and the U.S.’s Stop Online Piracy Act [S.O.P.A.], were the subject of popular protest and become stalled or abandoned, but their measures were uniformly reintroduced through multilateral negotiations or industry demands. Secondly, I discuss how prohibition regimes, which are defined in criminology studies as international standards that ban social norms (Andreas & Nadelmann, 2006, p. 22), entrench criminalization into information policy. Police organizations work internationally to raid file sharing servers and arrest and extradite hackers and hacktivists. I overview the earliest police raids from 2001 to enforce digital IPR, and examine international calls to expand police cooperation such as the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime. Analyzing criminological theory of prohibition regimes alongside information policy theory illuminates the role that enforcement mechanisms take in shaping communication policy and commodifying access to knowledge.

I conclude with a discussion of the implications of opaque trade negotiations, lateral pressures and criminal enforcement on efforts to increase and preserve access to knowledge, creativity and scientific works. IP law becomes entrenched in not only trade agreements and domestic law, but also in the strategies and logic of law enforcement. The constant strengthening of copyright online is entrenched in a system that overrules democratic initiatives and utilizes the force of the state to combat widely defined categories of cybercrime. These realities make IPR reform to de-commodify or open information networks complex, and create democratic deficits and public dependency on alternative, global networks of file-sharers and hacktivists.   REFERENCES Andreas, P., & Nadelmann, E. (2006). Policing the globe. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Braman, S. (2007). Change of state: Information, policy, and power. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Id: 14091 Title: HACIA LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DEL DERECHO A LA COMUNICACIÓN. HISTORIA Y EVOLUCIÓN EN LA CONSTITUCIÓN MEXICANA Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Rolando Guevara-Martínez Email: rolandoguevara (at) comunidad.unam.mx Country: MX (Mexico) Affiliation: UNAM Abstract: La Constitución mexicana está a punto de cumplir 100 años de vigencia y con ello es pertinente la reflexión del texto fundamental en la consolidación de libertades, de manera particular en aquellas relacionadas con la libertad de expresión. El modelo mexicano fue ensanchando derechos fundamentales como el derecho a la información, derecho de acceso a la información pública, derecho de réplica, derecho a las tecnologías de la información y comunicación (TICs), derecho de las audiencias, entre otros, los cuales son necesarios para interpretar el nuevo panorama de los derechos fundamentales de los mexicanos, su reconocimiento y retos en la interpretación de sus alcances en un nuevo entorno mediático. El análisis histórico de las fuentes formales y reales del derecho nos dan cuenta de la construcción de lo que podría denominarse como una nueva rama del Derecho, o bien de la consolidación del Derecho de la Información, el cual ha tocado de manera transversal múltiples disciplinas y que hoy nos lleva al lenguaje técnico de las nuevas tecnologías. Para entender este entramado de conceptos, Antonio Pasquali teoriza sobre el derecho a comunicar y bajo esta visión es posible construir las dimensiones que nos ayudarán a identificar los derechos fundamentales reconocidos en la Constitución mexicana.

Id: 14149 Title: Internet governance in China : Emerging regulatory models'issues and implications Session Type: Individual submission Authors: Name: Xiaoyan Chen Email: patchouli (at) vip.sina.com Country: CN (China) Affiliation: School of Journalism and Communication, Xiamen University Abstract: With the development of the internet and the growing popularity of social media services like Weibo -- a microblogging service that is China's version of Twitter -and instant messaging site WeChat, a popular mobile app developed by Internet technology giant Tencent, Chinese government has issued a series of new measures to regulate the internet. For instance, the establishment of the State Internet Information Office (SIIO), “Ten rules for Wechat” and cyber account name regulation. This paper examines the existing regulatory framework and the ways in which it applies to the internet use in China, highlighting China’s emerging internet regulatory models and challenges agencies face in implementing them, as well as implications for the development of internet in China. In general, this paper illustrates the following points. 1. Traditional Chinese internet regulations, ranging from licensing and registration, to data retention requirements and content filtering, are theoretically applied to the emerging social media. 2. Chinese traditional internet policies regulate internet portal more than individual users, the many-to-many interactions allowed by social media and the user-generated content challenges traditional regulatory model. 3. Since the establishment of the State Internet Information Office (SIIO), Chinese government has issued a series of tough regulations; the implication of these regulations will be discussed. 4. Much of research on China’s censorship and governmental internet regulation draws from Western perspectives of technology, socio-economics, and freedom of speech, this paper will investigates the internet regulation from cultural context as well as politicaleconomic perspectives.